NPP General Secretary Owusu Afriyie |
By
Ekow Mensah
Former
President John Agyekum Kufuor says that Mr Owusu Afriyie, General Secretary of
the New Patriotic Party (NPP) deserves punishment after his conviction by the Supreme
Court for contempt.
Mr Kufuor refused to prescribe punishment for
Mr Owusu Afriyie otherwise known as Sir John.
Speaking in Twi on Adom Television, He said he
was sure that the party would use the democratic process to determine what
should happen to its General Secretary.
He described the utterances of Sir John
leading to his conviction as “unguarded”.
On the possible outcome of the election
petition before the Supreme Court, Mr Kufuor urged all Ghanaians to pray for
peace.
He said he is convinced that the judges will
deliver a verdict which everybody can and will accept.
“Ghana will continue to be peaceful after the
verdict” he said
He also commended the people of Mali for
holding peaceful and transparent elections.
“Ghana has a few things to learn Mali,” He
said.
Editorial
Please Act Now!
About
two years ago, then Vice President John Dramani Mahama visited Cuba and
successfully negotiated many important deals for Ghana.
As
a result of this visit the Cuban authorities agreed to increase the number of
Cuban doctors in Ghana and to enhance the malaria eradication programme being
undertaken by Labiofam, a Cuban enterprise.
In
the course of this visit the Ghanaian delegation found that the Cubans had
developed a treatment for diabetes which completely eliminates the need for
amputation.
President
Mahama immediately asked the Cuban’s to make the treatment available to Ghana.
The
Cubans immediately agreed and offered more.
In
addition to making the treatment available to Ghana, they were ready to send
down two or three experts to work with the Ghanaian medical authorities for
awhile and also to build a plant in Ghana to produce the medicine.
It is indeed shocking that more than two years
after this offer nothing has been done as a follow up and this is in spite of
the fact that many Ghanaians continue to get amputated and to die from
diabetes.
The Insight believes that this is an urgent
task and we call upon the Ghanaian health authorities to act quickly on this
matter.
Sufferers of diabetes must be saved from
agony.
PROF KOFI AWOONOR’S MESSAGE TO THE INSIGHT
Kofi Awoonor |
The Insight represents the best in the tradition of progressive
journalism in Ghana. For 20 years, this paper, has almost singlehandedly
maintained and expanded the historical dialogue between progressive thinking
and the type of journalism that mindlessly repeats the propaganda of the
imperial centers, or worst, has become the megaphone for anti-African
sentiments dressed up as essential aspects of democracy, laced with insults and
sensational fabrications worthy of being adopted by post colonial states.
In the pages of the Insight, it is refreshing to find articles that
dilate on the domestic Ghanaian situation from a clearly progressive
perspective. This is regularly supported by deeply researched and brilliantly
written pieces from an active community of international commentators of the
left about global Oligarchies and organizations that continue to conspire
against the poor and the underdeveloped nations of the world.
It is for these reasons that the Insight is part of my daily dose of
intellectual stimulants, and its editor, one of those journalists I hold in
very high esteem.
Not only does the Insight represent the best in Ghanaian journalism, but
also a paper that fearlessly articulates critical opinions no matter whose ox
is gored in the best tradition of historical Ghanaian militant progressive
journalism.
I wish the Insight more years on the frontiers of our national
journalism terrain. I plead that it continues the fight for Pan Africanism, for
those who continue to pay the price for not having been part of the era when a few
powerful nations were looting and dehumanizing the rest of the world and for
the underprivileged, the marginalized and the venerable everywhere.
May your paper remain the teacher for all of us both young and old. May
it keep on revealing to us the truth. Teach us to deepen our fight against
racism, poverty and criminal enterprises that seek to rob us of our humanity
and our resources.
May the Insight flourish in the many years to come.
Kofi
Nyidevu Awoonor
Egypt’s military junta playing with
fire
General Al Sisi |
By
Finian Cunningham
The
recent inflammatory talk by General Al Sisi, the supposed head of national
security, is tantamount to pushing Egypt – the Arab region’s most populous
country – into a civil war.”
Egypt’s
military strongman General Al Sisi is playing with fire that may engulf the
North African country with even more internecine bloodshed. This week on state
TV, Al Sisi called for massive street protests to face down
"terrorists" who, he said, were destabilizing Egypt’s national
security.
He
also claimed that such popular show of strength would give the Egyptian army “a
mandate” to use violence to restore order.
Such
inflammatory talk by the supposed head of national security is tantamount to
pushing Egypt - the Arab region’s most populous country - into a civil
war.
The
reprehensible thing about this is that General Abdel Fattah Al Sisi is
indulging in reckless demagoguery to incite violence in order to cover up the
fact that it is he who violated the law and constitution of his country.
As
head of the Egyptian military, Al Sisi is supposed to be duty-bound to protect
the nation from harm. But what he appears to be doing is plunging the nation
into chaos and conflict by way of concealing his own selfish ambitions.
On
3 July, it was Defense Minister Al Sisi who dismissed then President Mohamed
Morsi. Nearly three weeks on, no one has seen or heard from the deposed Muslim
Brotherhood president. Even his family is still unaware of Morsi’s whereabouts
and has accused the military of “kidnap”.
Meanwhile,
Al Sisi, who also heads the Supreme Council of Military Forces (SCAF),
appointed a senior judge as the interim-president, and oversaw the formation of
an unelected government. This civilian administration is only a front for
Egypt’s military deep state, which stems from the US-backed Hosni Mubarak
dictatorship (1981-2011).
The
35-member interim government is packed with holdovers from the Mubarak era.
Many of them are closely associated with the Egyptian military and police. The
central figure in the so-called civilian administration is General Al Sisi, who
also appointed himself as deputy prime minister - in addition to his portfolio
of defense minister and head of the SCAF.
Fawning
visits to Cairo last week by US senior diplomat William Burns and the European
Union’s Foreign Policy Chief, Catherine Ashton, demonstrate that Washington and
its Western allies are endorsing the military coup against Egypt’s nascent
democracy.
Burns
said somewhat cryptically that this was “a second chance” for Egyptians. One
wonders if what he really meant was a second chance for Egyptians to conform to
the US-backed military deep state that Washington has bankrolled with $1.5
billion every year for the past three decades.
In
recent days, the US has said that it is delaying the delivery of F-16 fighter
jets to Egypt. This was prompted by the incendiary call for street protests by
General Al Sisi. But Washington is only reacting for public relations purposes
to fend off criticism that it is pandering to the military junta.
Notably,
an unnamed senior Pentagon official told the Washington Post: “This is not a
way of punishing them (Egypt’s military). It gives us more time to consult with
Congress, walk them through our strategy and explain our views to them.”
Besides, too, US Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel reportedly consulted with Al
Sisi hours before the announcement that the F-16s would be delayed.
Understandably,
millions of Egyptians who voted for Morsi's presidential bid in June 2012 feel
that their long-fought-for democratic rights have been trampled on by the same
military machine that they rose up against in January 2011 as part of the Arab
Spring.
The
ouster of Mubarak on 11 February 2011 was supposed to herald a new democratic
beginning for Egypt. But evidently, the Mubarak-era military deep state is back
in the driving seat - albeit with the trappings of a civilian
administration.
When
Al Sisi and his other US-trained Egyptian Generals deposed Morsi, they did so
under the cynical guise of “obeying the popular will” and “saving the nation”
from possible violence between anti and pro-Morsi crowds. There is evidence
that Mubarak-era businessmen and media magnates gave the anti-Morsi
demonstrations lionized coverage, thereby amplifying an atmosphere of national
tensions and insecurity.
While
Morsi certainly alienated wide sections of the population during his one-year
presidency, it is nevertheless legally questionable that he should have been
dismissed from office, put under secret arrest without charge, and that the
constitution should be suspended and the Parliament dissolved. If that sounds like
a military coup that’s because it is, even though Western politicians and media
have banished the word from public discourse.
The
way to make that unlawful intervention appear legitimate was to claim the
mantle of acting on behalf of the people to maintain national security.
However, what has transpired is that the Egyptian military and remnants from
the Mubarak-era judiciary have taken the reins of political power out of the
hands of the electorate. The formation of the interim government without any popular
mandate earlier this month makes that clear.
The
targeting of hundreds of Muslim Brotherhood members and other Morsi supporters
with arrest, detention and prosecution for alleged Mubarak-era crimes also
makes it apparent that the military-led Egyptian deep state is running a
vendetta to wipe out political opponents, not acting as a caretaker for a
transition to civilian politics.
Repression
has also involved lethal violence by the state forces and apparently
civilian-clothed agents. Since Morsi’s overthrow, as many as 200 people have
been killed in street clashes and thousands more injured. Most of the victims
have been Morsi supporters, with the military responsible for most of the
bloodshed. The single-biggest deadly incident was on 8 July when the military
opened fire on Muslim Brotherhood protesters outside the Republican Guard
headquarters in Cairo, killing as many as 80 and wounding over 400.
Last
week on national state TV, the interim President Adli Mansour used provocative
language when he said: “We will fight the battle for security until the end.”
He also warned darkly against those who “hide behind false slogans and who are
driving the country to the abyss”.
What “false slogans” might the
military-appointed interim president be referring to? Perhaps they include “We
don’t support military coup” or “Reinstate Morsi”.
This sinister formula of polarizing society and
demonizing political opponents was taken to new heights this week. Again,
speaking on national state TV and wearing sunglasses, General Al Sisi said:
“Egyptians must take to the streets on Friday to give me the mandate to face
down violence and terrorism… Friday is the day we, the army, the people and the
police, will unite.”
Asking people for a mandate to face down
violence and terrorism sounds like preparing a green light for even more
massacres committed by the Egyptian army. And then, in the aftermath of
bloodshed, the military strongman will be able to claim that he was only acting
“on behalf of the people” to “defend the nation”.
This is the politics of fascism, conducted with
the imprimatur of Western so-called democratic governments.
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