US Ambassador to Ghana Gene Cretz |
The over whelming campaign against the GMO Plant Breeder’s
Bill currently at passing stage in Ghana’s parliament has taken a new twist
with the USA government found to be behind the schemes to dominate food
sovereignty around the world.
This came about when a wikileaks cable (http://wikileaks.org/cable/2010/01/10ACCRA59.html) from the
USA Embassy in Accra as far back as 2010 surfaced this week from anti-GMO
campaigners which proves that the USA and Biotech companies like
Monsanto has always been behind the GMO Plant breeder’s Bill which they
believed originated, drafted and presented to Ghana’s parliament to pass
without proper consultation with the people of Ghana.
The said cable has the ‘Subject – Proposal for U.S. Biotech
Speaker to Visit Ghana in FY 2010’ requesting for over $13000.00 for the said
visit where a number of activities including meetings with the Government
officials, Parliamentarians, academics public audience and the media.
Below are parts of the said cable with reference ID
10ACCRA59, dated 2010-01-20 07:27:
1. SUMMARY:
Embassy Accra requests $13,700 in FY 2010 EEB biotech outreach funds for a U.S.
biotechnology expert in agricultural production and development to visit Ghana
for one week to engage with government officials and legislators, academics,
public audiences, and the media on the merits of biotechnology and the
importance of regulating biotech products. END SUMMARY.
2. Per Ref A request, Embassy Accra requests $13,700 in FY
2010 EEB biotech outreach funds in order to fund a one-week public speaking
visit to Ghana of a U.S. expert on agricultural biotechnology.
————————— Biotech Background in Ghana —————————
3. Ghana has not yet adopted comprehensive legislation
regulating the production and sale of biotech products. The Government of Ghana
is currently considering a draft Biosafety Bill that was prepared with
international technical assistance (including from USAID), but the draft
legislation has not yet been submitted to the Parliament.
In May 2008, the Parliament did pass a Biosafety Legislative
Instrument, which allows for field trials of biotech products, but not their
commercialization. The Legislative Instrument thus allows for scientific
advancement in Ghana while the executive and legislative branches of government
continue to consider the merits of a comprehensive biosafety law.
4. Public opinion on biotechnology is divided, with some
editorials questioning the wisdom and safety of genetically engineered crops.
Other observers have argued that the higher crop yields and the greater
resistance to pests associated with genetically modified seeds could help Ghana
more effectively deal with issues of food security and the likely impact on
farming from climate change.
5. While public opinion remains divided, some biotech
products are already being sold in Ghana. In addition, genetically modified
cotton and other crops, which are grown in Burkina Faso (Ghana’s northern
neighbour), may already be growing in Northern Ghana, or these seeds will soon
migrate to and be grown in that region of the country.
While current law allows for field trials of biotech crops,
no experimental fields are currently under cultivation, as far as we are aware,
though some U.S. companies have begun the processes of requesting permission to
engage in such trials in country.
6. U.S. food exports to Ghana, valued at $86 million in
2008, consist primarily of rice, poultry and consumer products. Ghana is the
largest commercial market for U.S. rice in West Africa, with U.S. producers
maintaining about a third of the Ghanaian rice market over the last several
years.
———————– Biotech Speaker Program ———————–
7. Given that the current biotech state of play in Ghana is
similar to that in Nigeria, where a U.S. biotech speaker was successfully
programmed in FY 2009 (Ref B), we believe that a U.S. biotechnology expert
could meaningfully engage with government officials and legislators, academics,
public audiences, and the media about the merits of agricultural biotechnology.
We anticipate that a U.S. expert could visit for one week
and engage with Ghanaian audiences in Accra (two days), Kumasi (two days) and
Tamale (one day), which are located in key growing regions.
8. We would work with Ghana’s National Biosafety Committee
to program the U.S. expert speaker, as well as with other local expert groups
in Ghana, including biotechnology experts at the Forum for Agricultural
Research in Africa (FARA), which is based in Accra, and at Ghana’s Council for
Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR).
In Accra, the speaker could engage with executive and
legislative branch officials on the merits of biotechnology. In addition, the
visit could include local radio and TV interviews, and a media roundtable event
at which journalists could interact with the U.S. expert.
Media events may also include local Ghanaian agricultural
specialists, in order to encourage a healthy debate on the subject of
biotechnology and how advanced science could help Ghana more effectively deal
with issues of food security and the likely impact on farming from climate
change.
The visit may also include an embassy-hosted event at which
government and legislative decision-makers could interact with biotechnology
and agricultural experts. There could also be public speaking events at FARA,
CSIR, the University of Ghana in Accra, the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science
& Technology in Kumasi, and the University for Development Studies in
Tamale.
9. We anticipate the total cost of a one-week visit would be
$13,700, as follows:
$7,000: Travel, lodging and per diem for U.S. Speaker
$1,000: Travel, lodging and per diem for one embassy officer
to join U.S. speaker in Kumasi and Tamale
$1,600: Fuel for embassy motor pool vehicle, lodging and per
diem for embassy driver in Kumasi and Tamale
$1,000: Honoraria for U.S. speaker
$1,000: Travel, lodging and per diem for one Ghanaian biotechnology
and agricultural specialist to participate in events in Kumasi and Tamale
$1,500: Expenses for hall rentals, refreshments and meals at
U.S. speaker’s events
$600: Honoraria for Ghanaian specialists at events
Embassy points of contact for this proposal are Regional
Environment, Science and Technology Officer Aaron Fishman (fishmanad@state.gov),
Agricultural Attache Ali Abdi (based in Lagos; ali.abdi@fas.usda.gov), and USAID
Ghana Agricultural Adviser John Mullenax (jmullenax@usaid.gov).
Editorial
DAY OF SHAME
Two weeks from now the Socialist Forum of Ghana (SFG) will
mark the anniversary of the overthrow of the founder of the Republic of Ghana,
Osagyefo Dr Kwame Nkrumah.
On February 24, 1966, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)
of the United States of America and its local collaborators subverted Ghana’s
progress by overthrowing the Nkrumah Government.
Since then Ghana has suffered many reverses to the point
where the country has become a hopeless, backward and fully dependant
neo-colony.
Over the period more
than 400 factories established by the Nkrumah government have been vandalized
and sold.
Ghana now imports water, food, electricity and basic things
such as handkerchiefs.
In marking the
anniversary of this criminal act against the people of Ghana, the SFG has
decided to organize three days of lectures at the Freedom Centre in Accra.
The Speakers will include, Dr Yao Graham of the Third World
Network, Dr Gamal Nasser of the University of Ghana and Mr Lee Ocran, Former
Minister of Education.
It is our hope that
these discussions will rekindle the spirit of Nkrumaism in the people of Ghana
towards finding solutions to its
hyudra-headed problems.
AFRICA`S
AGRICULTURAL POTENTIAL
Osagyefo Dr Kwame Nkrumah |
Africa contains more land than is to be found in
any other continent, which has been endowed by nature with climatic and
geographical conditions which are potentially capable of producing in
practically unlimited amounts nearly all of the types of food which are
essential to the elimination and prevention of human malnutrition - now known
to be one of the chief predisposing conditions out of which many human illness
arise.
In the light of these various observations it
would appear that although Africa and the other but smaller tropical areas of
the world cannot now be described as optimum environments for the prevention of
disease and the preservation of health, they posses nevertheless greater
potentials in these respects, thanks to certain unrivalled natural advantages,
than do the temperate climates on which Nature has bestowed some of her most
precious gifts with a parsimonious hand.
More land in Africa
Hardly less revolutionary in character, so far
as traditional notions about the misnamed “dark continent” are concerned, are
the recent investigations which are tending to demonstrate that there is more
land in Africa- including tropical Africa- where the climate, as it is
expressed in temperature and humility, is more conducive to human comfort - and
to human health-than in any of the other continents.
Most of the evidence pointing to this conclusion
has been accumulated by recent investigation in the laboratories of certain
climatologists, physiologists and engineers engaged in planning and producing
air-conditioning equipment, chiefly in England and United States.
The findings of these scientists have been
rather numerous and complex and in some areas there is certain amount of
disagreement, and for these reasons the results cannot be adequately summarized
here.
But practically all investigators are agreed
that for the great majority of mankind, including most of the inhabitants of
the cooler and colder climates, human comfort and human health are best
maintained, under most conditions, in temperatures ranging between 66 degrees
and 82 degrees Fahrenheit.
Temperature
For man appears, it is now generally agreed, to
have originated in the tropics; and from a physiological point of view so far
as temperature is concerned, he is still a tropical animal.
Even the Eskimo in his seal skin suit and in his
whale-oil heated igloo lives most of the time, so far as the greater part of
his body is concerned in, temperatures that are essentially tropical in
character and which are produced in the main by himself.
It has been discovered that the majority of
people in the temperate climates are most comfortable during the winter months
when the temperature under the clothing or beneath the bed clothes ranges
between the middle sixties and the lower eighties Fahrenheit.
Comparative studies of temperature in all parts
of the world have shown that in no continent are temperatures ranging between
66 and 82 degrees Fahrenheit more consistently maintained than in much of the
African tropics and sub-tropics. Particularly this is true of the highland
areas of tropical Africa, where because of the great altitude the mean monthly
and mean annual temperature ranges between the middle sixties and the middle
seventies Fahrenheit from season to season and year to year.
And here, too, it should be mentioned that in
the arable areas which constitute the greater part of these highland regions,
the annual rainfall ranges from about 23 inches at Salisbury in Southern
Rhodesia to 62 inches at Yaoundé in the Cameroons. What is equally important is
the fact that most of the rain falls during the growing season is “spring” and
“summer” months when the plants can make the maximum use of it.
The only notable exceptions to this general rule
is in Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia and in the Union of South Africa where most
of the rain comes ,as in much of Southern Europe and the highlands of Western
Asia, in the winter months when the plants can use it the least.
Generally speaking it requires a minimum of 20
inches of rain each year to insure proper growth of most cultivated crops and
the greater part of the tropical Afri-grow flowers bloom and can highlands
have, as has been noted a good deal more than this.
The tropical and sub-tropical African highlands
with their adequate to plentiful rainfall and abundant sunshine total
altogether between 2 million and 3 million square miles and they have been
aptly called the “lands of eternal spring”, for there plants birds sing
throughout the year.
Because of the intensity of the actinic rays of
sunlight at high altitudes, it is true that certain human types, who have lost
most of their pigments since their ancestors left the tropics many thousands of
years ago, often find it difficult to accommodate themselves, for physiological
reasons, to the genial climate of these salubrious lands.
For those inhabitants of these and other regions
who have however retained sufficient pigment to screen out or tone down and
regulate the chemical effects of the abundant and powerful actinic rays, there
are no larger and more potentially ideal amounts of living space to be found
elsewhere on the face of the earth.
A few glances at the following chart will
provide some specific evidence of the manner in which nature has blessed these
well-watered and strongly sun-kissed lands which will be the ultimate heritage
of those who are physically and physiologically equipped to claim and maintain
these potentially unrivalled preserves unearthly paradise as their own.
Although the temperature range of the lowland areas
of Africa’s six and a half million square miles of arable land does average
about 10 degrees Fahrenheit higher than what European and American
investigators regard as the ideal for human comfort, most the inhabitants of
longstanding in these regions seem on the whole to be comfortable enough. Be
that as it may, these regions share in all other respects nature’s exceptional
generosity toward the continent. In none of the other great land masses of the
earth are storms of the catastrophically destructive type, such as hurricanes
and typhoons, less frequent; and
devastating earthquakes –very much fewer
than in any other continent very seldom occur.
Special Gifts
In addition to these natural advantages and
Nature’s other special gifts that have been already taken into account,
attention may also be called to the fact that specialist have found that Africa
has more land which is climatically suited to the production of more of the
many other continents.
Because of its wide variety of climatic
conditions and type of soil, it has been said of Africa with a good deal of
truth, that almost any plant that will grow can be grown somewhere in the
continent.
Among Africa’s chief advantages in these
respects are the vast regions blessed annually with 20 or more inches of
rainfall; the continent’s wide distribution of abundant and effective sunlight
throughout the year; the practically endless
growing seasons; and the almost total absence
everywhere of the blighting effects of winter’s cold.
Spelling out a bit more fully the implications
of some of the observations, it may be remarked that recent investigations by
botanist and agriculturalist and workers in related fields have revealed that
the great majority of plants cease to grow, or grow very slowly – even where there
is adequate moisture – when the ground temperatures drop below 40 degrees or
exceed 98.6 degree Fahrenheit it has been further shown that warm season crops
such as sugar cane, cotton, coffee, cocoa, rubber, rice and palm oil plants,
grow best in temperature ranging from 64.8 degrees to 98.6 degrees Fahrenheit.
While even cool season crops, such as wheat, oats, barley, and rye grow best in
temperatures ranging from 60 degrees to 87.8 degrees Fahrenheit.
In no part of the world, as has already been
indicated, is the temperature range - technically known as the optimum growth
temperatures – for both warm and cold season crops more consistently maintained
over so long an area than in the great African continent.
Production
With assured temperatures favorable to so many
crops, it is no surprising that Africa is now and long has been the world chief
producer of such warm season crops as cocoa, palm oil, cloves, cola nuts, gum
Arabic, kapok sisal, pyrethrum, white woods and certain mahoganies and is
capably of rapidly becoming one of the world’s major area for the primary production of cotton,
rubber, bananas, sugar cane, pineapples, peanuts and citrus fruits.
(First published in the Evening News of friday
April 19, 1963)
What is supply-side economics?
By Dr Paul Craig Roberts
Supply-side economics is an innovation in macroeconomic
theory and policy.
It rose to prominence in congressional policy discussions in
the late 1970s in response to worsening Phillips Curve trade-offs between
inflation and unemployment. The postwar Keynesian demand management policy had
broken down. The attempts to stimulate employment brought higher rates of
inflation, and attempts to curtail inflation resulted in higher rates of unemployment.
In other words, the Phillips curve (named after economist A. W. Phillips) trade-offs between inflation and unemployment were worsening. Each additional job created had to be paid for with a higher rate of inflation, and each reduction in inflation had to be paid for with a higher rate of unemployment.
The Phillips curve met its nemesis in stagflation, a new term that entered economics in the late 1970s. Milton Friedman summed up the demise of the Phillips curve with his article, More Inflation, More Unemployment.
The appearance of stagflation–simultaneous inflation and unemployment–was a serious problem for Congress, as I pointed out in the late 1970s in an article in The Public Interest, The Breakdown of the Keynesian Model. Simultaneous inflation and unemployment meant that the federal budget would soon be out of control. In those days Congress actually worried about such an outcome.
The Keynesian economic establishment could offer Congress no solution other than an “incomes policy.” An incomes policy was wage and price controls. Inflation would be controlled by suppressing wages and prices, while expansionary monetary and fiscal policies boosted aggregate demand to raise employment. Even Congress understood that aggregate demand could not rise if wages were suppressed.
Congress looked for a different solution, and I, being on the scene as a member of the congressional staff, gave them the solution. In Keynesian economics monetary and fiscal policies only affect aggregate demand. If these policies were expansionary, aggregate demand increases, thus boosting employment and inflation. If these policies were restrictive, inflation and employment would fall with consumer spending. The fault in Keynesian theory and policy was the assumption that fiscal policy had no impact on aggregate supply.
I was able to explain to members of Congress, both Democrats and Republicans who were concerned about stagflation, that some forms of fiscal policy directly increase or decrease aggregate supply. High tax rates mean that leisure is cheap in terms of forgone current earnings–thus there is less labor supply–and current consumption is cheap in terms of foregone future income streams–thus less savings for investments. Keynesian demand management had run into trouble, because the high tax rates on income reduced the response of supply to demand stimulus. Thus, prices rose instead of output.
The solution, I said, was to reduce the marginal income tax rates across the board. This would increase the responsiveness of supply to demand and cure stagflation.
Both political parties listened. In the House it was the Republicans who took the lead–Jack Kemp and Marjorie Holt. In the Senate, Republicans Orrin Hatch and Bill Roth stepped forward. However, in the Senate the lead was taken by Democrats, especially Russell Long, chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, Lloyd Bentsen, chairman of the Joint Economic Committee of Congress, and my Georgia Tech fraternity brother, Sam Nunn.
As a result of Rep. Jack Kemp being the first congressional spokesman for a supply-side policy and President Reagan’s adoption of the policy, supply-side economics is associated with Republicans. However, Republicans almost lost the issue to Democrats. The first official government endorsement of supply-side economics was in the late 1970s by the Joint Economic Committee of Congress under the chairmanship of Democratic Senator Lloyd Bentsen of Texas.
The Joint Economic Committee under Senator Bentsen’s leadership put out Annual Reports two years in a row calling for a supply-side policy. As the presidential election approached that put Ronald Reagan in the White House, the majority Democrats in the Senate had a meeting to decide whether to pass the supply-side tax rate reductions prior to the presidential election, thus pulling the rug out from under Reagan on his main plank. The Senate Democrats were inclined to move forward with the tax rate reductions, but the Senate Majority Leader convinced them that it would look like an endorsement of Reagan over their own party’s candidate (Jimmy Carter). The Senate Majority Leader said that immediately after the election, the Democrats would take control of the issue and pass the marginal tax rate reductions. The great surprise of the election was that the Democrats lost control of the Senate.
There was more opposition to Reagan’s tax bill from Republicans than from Democrats. Republicans believed that budget deficits ranked with the Soviet threat and were more willing to raise taxes than to reduce them. The Republican opposition was so strong that I had a hard time getting the tax bill out of the Reagan administration so that Congress could vote on it. In those days the great bogyman for Republicans was budget deficits, and deficits were what Treasury’s projections showed. Although the Treasury was, for the most part, committed to the President’s policy and believed that some part of the lost revenues from marginal tax rate reduction would be recovered, which is also what Keynesians believed, the Treasury’s revenue forecast was based on the traditional static revenue model that every dollar of tax cut would lose a dollar of revenue.
OMB director David Stockman and his economist Larry Kudlow covered up the revenue loss by assuming a higher rate of inflation. In those days the income tax was not indexed for inflation. Nominal income gains pushed taxpayers into higher tax brackets. The higher was inflation, the higher was nominal GDP and tax revenues. In order to raise the revenue forecast, Stockman only needed to raise the inflation forecast.
Senate Democrats complained to me that they were willing to cooperate with Reagan on the tax bill, but were being cut out. Sam Nunn, who had got “Reaganomics” passed in the Senate before Reagan was elected, only to have it nixed by President Carter, told me that no one in the Reagan administration had ever spoken to him or sought his support.
The White House chief of staff, James Baker, wanted a Republican “victory,” and proceeded to pick a fight with the Democrats who were willing to support President Reagan’s policy. I told Jim Baker that he was making a strategic mistake. By cutting out the Democrats, he was setting the policy up for criticism that would create the perception of failure. I told him that Stockman had hidden the deficit by over-estimating inflation, a ploy that contradicted the logic of our policy. If our policy was correct, inflation would be less than Stockman’s forecast. The tax revenues would not materialize, and the Democrats, cut out of the action, would seize on the deficits and pay the White House back for cutting them out of any credit for the new policy. (My prediction came true. Democrats, inured to deficits by decades of Keynesian demand management, suddenly became as rabid about budget deficits as Republicans.)
If I had known then just how corrupt politics was, I would have thought twice before warning Baker that the hidden deficits would be used to discredit the policy even if the policy cured stagflation. Baker was allied with George Herbert Walker Bush, Reagan’s VP, and the fight was on from day one for the succession to Reagan. Kemp was in the forefront, because he was identified with Reagan’s economic policy, and Bush had called it “voodoo economics.” If Baker could make Reagan’s policy appear to be successful only because Bush had moderated it, all the better for VP Bush’s claim to the succession.
Tip O’Neill, the Democratic Speaker of the House, offered an alternative supply-side tax rate reduction to the administration’s bill. Speaker O’Neill’s bill had a smaller reduction in marginal tax rates on personal income, but had a superior pro-growth tax reduction on the business side. The House Democrats’ bill offered expensing of business investment.
The Reagan administration was too fearful to propose expensing (immediate write-offs) of business investment, and here was the leading Democrat in the nation offering it to them. I told Jim Baker to jump on it, to work out a compromise with O’Neill on the size of the personal tax rate reductions and to give the Democrats equal credit for the policy. That, I told Baker, would ensure the policy’s acceptance and success.
For political reasons Baker was more committed to giving Reagan a “victory” over Democrats than he was to the success of the policy. Baker wanted a headline. I wanted a policy. From Baker’s standpoint, if Democrats for political reasons turned against the policy, they would help to create welcome roadblocks to Jack Kemp’s challenge to George H.W. Bush for the succession.
Reagan’s version of supply-side economics carried the day over Tip O’Neill’s version. Deputy Assistant Treasury Secretary Steve Entin prepared a graph comparing the Reagan and O’Neill tax rate reductions. The Democrats’ tax cut was initially larger, but Reagan’s was better over time. That let Reagan go on national TV, point to the graph and say, “the Democrats have the best bill–if you only expect to live one more year.”
The history and explanation of supply-side economics are in my book, The Supply-Side Revolution (Harvard University Press, 1984). Books published by Harvard are peer-reviewed, which means that publication depends on a go-ahead from outside experts. A book that was “voodoo economics” or simply said that “tax cuts pay for themselves” or that “trickle-down economics works by giving the rich money to spend and some of it will trickle-down to help the poor” will not clear peer review.
Thirty five to forty years after supply-side economics made its appearance in policy debates the vast majority of Americans, including apparently some economists and public intellectuals, have no idea what it is. For example, on February 1, 2014, Information Clearing House posted Bill Moyers interview of David Simon, “America as a Horror Show.” This important interview gets fouled in its opening lines when Simon declares: “Supply-side economics has been shown to be bankrupt as an intellectual concept. Not only untrue, but the opposite has occurred.”
Supply-side economics was not relevant to the interview. Yet off the bat Simon destroys the credibility of his interview. Supply-side economics cured stagflation exactly as supply-side economists said it would do. That was its only claim. I know. As Assistant Secretary of the Treasury for Economic Policy, I was in charge.
In 2013, The Supply-Side Revolution, which Harvard has kept in print for three decades, was published in China in the Chinese language. Why would a leading Chinese publisher translate and publish a 30 year old book about a subject that “has been shown to be bankrupt as an intellectual concept?” Why would Chinese economists request a publisher to translate and publish a book about a discredited and useless subject?
Why does Simon, a reporter who was on the Baltimore Sun’s city desk covering crime during the Reagan administration, think that he knows anything about supply-side economics?
How can America save itself when its public intellectuals have no idea what they are talking about?
As I am associated with supply-side economics and the Reagan administration, the coterie of Reagan haters will write in to the many sites that post my column with sarcastic comments denouncing me for “again defending Reagan.” I am not defending anyone. I am merely stating the facts. Anyone can find the facts. All they have to do is to look. But many had rather shoot off their mouths and demonstrate their ignorance. They can’t stand the thought of having one less reason for hating Reagan.
As I am an interested party, let’s turn to a non-interested one, Paul A. Samuelson, “the father of modern economics.” Samuelson was the doyen of Keynesian economics, America’s greatest 20th century economist, and the first American economist to win the Nobel prize. If anyone was harmed by supply-side economics, it was Keynesian economists’ human capital. Yet in the 12th edition of his famous textbook published in 1985, Samuelson shows how supply-side policy can cause aggregate supply to increase or decrease, a first for economics textbooks. Samuelson validates supply-side economics in principle and says that its policy impact varies from “modest” to “substantial,” depending on circumstances. He also says that in Britain, “the supply side policies appear to have had an unexpectedly large impact, improving both inflation and productivity more than many observers expected.”
Is the “foremost academic economist of the 20th century” (New York Times) another trickle-down, voodoo kook like me and Ronald Reagan?
I met Samuelson in his MIT office when I gave the annual State of the Economy address to the combined economic faculties and graduate students of Harvard and MIT sometime in the 1980s. Samuelson had an open mind and could absorb new thinking. At the conclusion of my address, I received a standing ovation. No one in the large liberal audience of professors and graduate students said I was a voodoo economist or an agent for the rich. I have debated in public forums Keynesian economists who are Nobel prize winners, such as James Tobin and Larry Klein. They were always respectful. At a meeting of the Eastern Economics Association, Tobin acknowledged that I was correct.
Supply-side economics dealt with the problem of its time–stagflation. Supply-side economics has no cure for an economy decimated by jobs offshoring and financial deregulation. The problems of today are different. I have made this clear in my book, The Failure of Laissez Faire Capitalism and Economic Dissolution of the West.
The George W. Bush tax cuts have nothing to do with supply-side economics. The Bush tax cuts were nothing but a greedy grab, but they are not a signifiant cause of today’s inequality. The main causes of the unacceptable inequality of income and wealth in the US today are financial deregulation and the dismantling of the ladders of upward mobility by the offshoring of manufacturing and tradable professional service jobs. The wages and salaries denied to Americans are transformed into corporate profits, mega-million dollar executive bonuses, and capital gains for shareholders. Financial deregulation unleashed massive debt leverage of bank depositors’ accounts, backed up with Federal Reserve bailouts of the banksters’ uncovered gambling bets. Neither tax increases nor reductions can compensate for these extraordinary mistakes.
Intelligent people over the centuries have stressed that failure to understand the past endangers the present and the future. Across the American political spectrum policymakers, economists, media, commentators, and the public are ignorant of the past and in denial about the present. Those trying to inform are few and far between, and they are constantly under attack from the very people they are endeavoring to inform. What is the point of the effort to inform? Is it merely “sound and fury, signifying nothing”?
Re-inventing al-Qaeda as ‘good guys
Osama Bin Ladin |
“True to its origins as a Western intelligence
asset, al-Qaeda is helping to create an illusion in Syria that will enable US
weapons supply to the militants to continue,” writes Cunningham. Above,
two militants are seen in Aleppo, October 26, 2012.
By Finian Cunningham
The titular head of al-Qaeda, Ayman al-Zawahiri,
has reportedly disavowed the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). Videos
emerged over the weekend of the Egyptian-born leader denying any organizational
links with the ISIS.
The British Guardian
reported that the move by the top al-Qaeda commander was an attempt
to “reassert control” over the disparate militant groups fighting in Syria.
Later in the same report, the newspaper inadvertently hinted
at the real motive for the initiative. “The internecine fighting - among the
bloodiest in the three-year conflict - has undermined the uprising against
President Bashar al-Assad and dismayed western powers pushing for peace talks,”
reported the Guardian.
Forget the bit about “dismayed western powers pushing for
peace talks.” That’s hogwash. The key phrase is “internecine fighting has
undermined the uprising [sic] against President Bashar al-Assad.”
By “uprising,” the Guardian is euphemistically referring to
the covert criminal war sponsored by the West against the Syrian government and
its people. This is not an uprising or civil war; it is Western state-sponsored
terrorism for regime change using foreign mercenaries of varying affiliation to
al-Qaeda - the latter itself being historically a Western, Saudi intelligence
creation from the late 1970s onwards.
The political problem for the West is that it cannot be seen
to be overtly supporting the al-Qaeda brigades. That would very publicly
destroy the last vestiges of the so-called War on Terror and 9/11 propaganda
myth.
Previously, Washington and its allies have got around that
contradiction by claiming that they have been supporting “moderate rebels” in
Syria as opposed to the backbone of foreign mercenaries belonging to al-Qaeda.
That sleight of hand ran into terminal problems when the “moderates” of the
so-called Free Syrian Army were decisively pushed out of the picture at the end
of last year by the “extremists.”
Now that there are no “moderates” fighting in Syria to talk
of, even in a fictional sense, that presents the Western state terror sponsors
with a very awkward conundrum.
How can Washington and its allies even begin to justify to
their public sending weapons to al-Qaeda terrorists? That conundrum was
highlighted with reports last week of the US Congress secretly voting to step
up its munitions supply to Syria.
The reality that has been extant for the last three years,
but which has been made latent by the Western media myth of “moderate rebels,”
stands exposed. Western weapons are being funneled to terrorists in Syria, and
not just any terrorist, but the supposed arch-terrorist enemy - al-Qaeda. Even
the mercurial Western media cannot conceal that appalling reality. Something
must be done to cover up the abominable truth.
This would explain the latest move by al-Qaeda chief
al-Zawahiri trying to furnish the illusion that there is a distinction between
the ISIS and the other al-Qaeda-affiliated militants of Jabhat al-Nusra and
those comprising the Saudi-backed Islamic Front.
The ISIS has certainly emerged in recent months as a
particularly barbaric brigade. One of its operatives reportedly killed 16 other
militants in a bomb attack in Aleppo at the weekend. A video also emerged of
ISIS fighters decapitating a man amid cheering crowds as the victim’s head was
held aloft. It is also running amok in Iraq, killing dozens of civilians on a
daily basis.
It would thus appear that the al-Qaeda command is moving to
distance itself from the ISIS group, not for any ideological reason to be sure,
but simply from a public relations point of view.
Now that the moderate/extremist dichotomy in Syria is a
redundant falsehood, is the Western public being conditioned via the Western
media to accept a new narrative of “bad al-Qaeda/good al-Qaeda” or at least an
al-Qaeda segment that the West can sort of support?
This incredible mental gymnastic is of course somersaulting
right off the floor of common intelligence. Only the most propagandized minds
of warmongering politicians and their dutiful Western “news” media could
entertain such doublethink nonsense.
But the interesting and telling point is where this
initiative is ultimately coming from and why?
Jabhat al-Nusra - the soon-to-be presumed al-Qaeda “nice
guys” - is the same group that has committed dozens of no-warning bomb attacks
on civilians across Syria and Lebanon - the latest atrocity only days ago
killing four in Hermel, east Lebanon.
Al-Nusra is the same group that was involved in the chemical
weapons mass killing in east Ghouta, Damascus, last August, which resulted in
hundreds of deaths, including women and children, and which the Western
governments and their media tried to blame on the Syrian army, nearly resulting
in an all-out American military attack on the country.
In the Syrian industrial city of Adra earlier this year,
al-Nusra committed a massacre of more than 80 civilians, beheading many and
even throwing workers at a bakery into the ovens.
One of the commanders of al-Nusra, Khalid al-Hamad (also
known as Abu Sakkar) was the notorious cannibal who filmed himself cutting out
the organs of a captured Syrian soldier and eating them.
Al-Nusra is a terrorist al-Qaeda group just as the ISIS is
and the myriad other brigades with names like Shams al-Ahrar and so-called
Islam al-Tawhid. They are all sponsored by Saudi Arabia and Qatar, share the
same extremist Wahhabi cult religion, and they are all supported militarily by
Washington and its allies, including Britain, France, Turkey, Jordan and
Israel.
This spotlights who Ayman al-Zawahiri is really working for.
The elusive, phantom-leader proclaims to have taken over al-Qaeda command
following the alleged assassination of Osama bin Laden by US Special Forces in
May 2011. How can Zawahiri make such a claim when it is credibly documented
that Bin Laden died at least 10 years ago from natural causes and that his
assassination in Abbottabad, Pakistan, was an American propaganda stunt?
Zawahiri’s latest public disowning of the ISIS in Syria
suggests that the “initiative” is Washington-inspired in a bid to give itself a
license to further weaponize its al-Qaeda foot soldiers in Syria. True to its
origins as a Western intelligence asset, al-Qaeda is helping to create an
illusion in Syria that will enable US weapons supply to the militants in that
country to continue. Even though the stark reality is that Washington and its
allies are - and always have been - on the side of out-and-out terrorists of
varying stripes. Indeed, Washington and its allies are the terrorists-in-chief.
A Prosperous China Versus An Imperial US
Chinese President Xi Jinping |
By John V. Walsh
China has stated its goals quite unambiguously. “A
moderately prosperous society by 2020” is the first goal and “a strong
socialist nation by 2049” as the second. But this may be simplified: China’s
leadership wants its people to have a standard of living equal to that of the
developed nations of the West. And that, along with restoring and preserving
sovereignty, has been the main part of the Chinese program since 1949 – at
least. China’s great historical achievement is to lift hundreds of millions out
of poverty, accounting for most of the eradication of poverty in the recent
past. This achievement is rarely mentioned in the West.
Consider the simple consequences of that fact. China has a
population of 1.36 billion and the United States has a population of 320
million. So if China is to have a per capita GDP equal to that of the United
States, its total GDP must be more than four times the size of the US economy.
Four times.
As we have known at least since Thucydides military power
flows from economic power. That is also true of “soft” power, scientific
discovery and technological achievement and capacity. (This week USA Today
carries a story on the rapid growth of new and original patents in China.,
alarming the Pentagon.) Growth in China’s economic power therefore closes the
door on US global hegemony. The only way for the U.S. to maintain the hope of
such hegemony is for China to change course and accept a lesser standard of
living. But China will not accept such second class status voluntarily.
First such a future is not just, nor will the Chinese
perceive or accept it as just. Second such a course demands that an
accomplished, talented and determined people with a great culture accept a
daily life less prosperous than the developed world enjoys.
Hence if the U.S. Empire to remain the first of global
military powers in a way that is beyond challenge, it has no choice but to keep
China down. There is an unavoidable contradiction between U.S. military
dominance and Chinese economic development. Moreover even China’s economic
power by itself is at odds with the hegemonic maneuvers of the U.S. Sanctions
on sovereign nations, embargoes and blockades by the US will not work if China
is willing to trade with the threatened nations. This forecloses U.S. economic
control of other, weaker nations.
However, there is no necessary conflict between the two
nations, China and the U.S., or the two peoples. The prosperity of China does not
preclude a high level of prosperity in the U.S. Economic development and
prosperity is not a zero sum game. As the Chinese repeat at every turn, there
can be a win-win situation for all nations of the world with China’s
development. That has already proven true in the present Great Recession where
the Chinese economy has been the main driver of the global economy, perhaps
preventing the Great Recession from tumbling into the Great Depression. That is
also true for the development of other nations, India for example.
So the question is whether the United States wishes to
remain the dominant military power in the world and to bring China down.
Unfortunately, such anti-China strategies have already been put in place by the
U.S. and they will be intensified.. The “New Silk Road Strategy” in Central
Asia has been put forward by Hillary Clinton to “contain” China. Since the first
term of George W. Bush, at least, the U.S. has sought to enlist India to
“counterbalance” China – with limited success. So far the Indians do not seem
to be taking the bait. The “Pivot to Asia” espoused by Clinton, Obama and
others in the higher spheres of U.S. foreign policy has attempted to enlist
Australia, the Philippines, Japan, South Korea and Vietnam against China.
Some of this follows classic patterns in diplomacy. For
example, as John Mearsheimer outlines in his book, The Tragedy of Great Power
Politics, the goal of a regional hegemon is to prevent the rise of a regional
hegemon in other parts of the globe. Mearsheimer points out that right now
there is but one regional hegemon in the world, the U.S., which reigns supreme
in the Western Hemisphere. The first tactic and the preferred one to accomplish
the put down of another emerging hegemon is “buck passing.” In simple terms,
that means getting another regional power to do the dirty work, sparing oneself
the pain and cost. In that light consider the ravings from Japan’s Prime
Minister Abe, backed up and encouraged, even incited by the
American “think” tank, CSIS (The Center
for Strategic and International Studies). And today, news arrives that Abe’s
party, the ruling LDP (Liberal Democratic Party), has eliminated from its
platform the pledge that Japan “will never wage war again,” a pledge in place
since the end of WWII, causing considerable consternation in South Korea,
China, Taiwan and elsewhere in the neighborhood!
Furthermore, the United States is in no danger from a
powerful China. We are separated by a vast ocean from China, and the power of
nuclear weapons makes a challenge to U.S. sovereignty impossible except on a
suicidal basis. Additionally, the U.S. remains a largely self sufficient
economy with resources aplenty. Only severe paranoia could lead us to fear an
economically prosperous China. And more than that, as Henry Kissinger, like
many others, points out in his book On China, the Chinese have no history of
overseas expansion.
That was true even in the early 15th Century when China was
the greatest naval power in the world, sailing giant ships to Africa and
elsewhere long before Columbus set foot on a ship. There was trading, but no
conquest and no enslavement. Conquest and enslavement turned out to be the work
of European civilization. And even now with China the second largest economy in
the world it has not a singly overseas military base even though it provides
more UN peacekeeper personnel than any other nation. As Kissinger points out,
American exceptionalism is missionary; it insists that all the world be like
us. One can see one of the most fanatic incarnations of that in Hillary Clinton
and other “humanitarian” imperialists, many regarding themselves as
“progressives.” China’s exceptionalism, on the other hand, is a high
self-regard for its culture but no desire to spread it. If the rest of us do
not want to follow the Chinese way, then we have missed out and it is no
business of the Chinese to change that in their view.
The bloody history of the U.S. over the last Century is
quite a different matter. If the United States insists on its status as the
dominant and unchallengeable military power, then we are on the road to
conflict, certainly a new Cold War the beginning of which the “pivot”
represents, and quite possibly we are on the road to WWIII. We in the United
States are the ones who can control this and perhaps save the world from the
very worst suffering and deadly conflict. The answer is to abandon Empire,
dismantle our overseas bases, end our occupation of foreign nations, including
South Korea, Japan and Germany, adopt a defensive strategy to protect our land
and come home. Trade and talk, yes. Military intervention, no. We have a
potential partner for peace in China. Let us give it a try. Establish trust and
verify it. In short, Come Home America. A paradise awaits us here. Let us leave
others in peace to construct their own.
John V. Walsh can be reached at John.Endwar@gmail.com He is a
founding member of ComeHomeAmerica (www.ComeHomeAmerica.US ). At
that site you can read the statement of CHA opposing intervention in Syria. It
is a statement of principle and applies to every U.S. intervention.
As Ghana returns to a two-party political stream…
Nana Akuffo Addo |
By Dr. Michael J.K. Bokor
Folks, Ghana is on course to return to a two-party political
stream. There is no hope for any third force under the guise of the
pro-Nkrumahist family. Sooner than later, pro-Nkrumahism will be no more.
A viable political party that wants to remain so does things
to grow, not to disintegrate or give politics a bad name. Or create fertile
conditions for its members to be poached by rival political parties.
Unfortunately, the pro-Nkrumahist political parties aren’t functioning this
way.
I have a big issue with them because they are more invested
in tearing their own house apart than building it to face the challenges
imposed on partisan politics by our democracy.
Since the overthrow of the CPP government in 1966 and
strategic efforts made by the Nkrumah haters to erase his name and
accomplishments from Ghana’s history, the CPP has not had things easy-going.
Its victory at the June 1979 general elections to put the PNP in office didn’t
change anything because the Limann government fell victim to military
adventurism.
Then, when the ban on party politics was lifted in 1992, the
CPP couldn’t bounce back as a united front. It did so in various configurations
that have become history. Its main offshoot the National Convention Party
flirted with Rawlings’ NDC and entered into a dangerous political marriage with
the NPP called the Great Alliance that flopped terribly).
When the brand name (“CPP”) was unbanned, the Nkrumahist
front re-emerged again in splinter groups, the main branch bearing that CPP
tag, hotly taunted by its half-brothers (the late Dan Lartey’s Ghana
Consolidated Popular Party and Dr. E.N. Mahama’s People’s National Convention).
Each seemed to be interested in only bearing a slice of the “Convention” but
not sharing anything concrete to return the pro-Nkrumahist front to power and
glory. Or even rising up by its own bootstraps. Only irritating us with their
occasional effusions about governance but doing nothing to take over the rein
of governance.
They have attempted merging but not succeeded for reasons
best known to their leaders. Sadly, the CPP has faded really fast (with one
accidental representation in the current Parliament by virtue of a bye-election
victory somewhere in Northern Ghana) while the PNC has had some since the
emergence of the 4th Republic, meaning that it is worth recognizing as more
viable than the CPP.
Dr. Paa Kwesi Nduom still placards his Nkrumahist
credentials but is little recognized as such, which is why splitting ranks and
forming the People’s Popular Party—and performing abysmally at Election
2012—hasn’t raised him to any high pedestal. He is still making some noises on
the flanks but nothing exists to show that his party is growing as a force to reckon
with at future elections.
Truth be told, none of these mushroom pro-Nkrumahist parties
is worth recognizing as a political force to be trusted to change the current
political dynamics that have the NDC and NPP swapping places to be in power—the
NDC doing so more than the NPP has done in this 4th Republic.
Now, here is the main issue. While the NPP is doing all it
can to put its plans to good use in readiness for Election 2016, the
pro-Nkrumahist parties are either crying over spilt milk or in total disarray,
unsure of their role in Ghanaian politics. Its national chairman, Samia
Nkrumah’s declaration of intent to contest Election 2012 as the CPP’s
Presidential Candidate is the biggest joke ever. On the basis of a dead CPP?
The CPP is virtually in its death throes while the PNC is
currently being torn apart by allegations against its 2012 Presidential
Candidate, Hassan Ayariga. And the allegations have exposed the weaknesses of
the party and created a nasty impression about it.
Credibility is gone!
It all began when the “Convention
Forum” (a youth group in the party) demanded that the party’s leadership should
account for Ghc1.6 million of campaign funds meant for the 2012 elections.
The spokesperson for the group, Adam Akani, alleged that the money was to
be used to pay the PNC party agents who policed the 2012 elections
but the agents have still not been paid.
Then, David Apasara (the Treasurer of the
PNC) specifically accused Mr. Hassan Ayariga of hijacking and hoarding the
party’s cars and money. According to him, Mr. Ayariga received many cars,
including Land Cruisers and pickups, as well as different amounts of money as
donation in the name of the party but hoarded all of it to himself.
In his reaction, Mr. Ayariga has
dismissed the allegations of embezzlement and said that he is not accountable
to the party over monies spent during the 2012 electioneering period.
In an interview on Radio XYZ’s “Strict
Proof” on Tuesday, he conceded receiving some monies for his campaign just like
his fellow presidential candidates but added that all expenses for his 2012
campaign were borne by him without a cedi from the party.
He said that he was compelled to close down
all his three restaurants because he had to channel funds from those personal
businesses into his electioneering campaigns. He added that until he became the
flagbearer of the PNC, the party was virtually dead and so could not have
attracted any sponsorship from anybody or groups of people.
“The Chairman is the leader of the party,
so if there’s money missing, I think they are the right people to explain to us
where the money came from, who gave the money, and how much it was, and where
it went to”.
Speaking to Joy News on Tuesday, Mr.
Ayariga noted that if any money was directly given to him at all, then, it
probably means that the money was not meant for the party.
MY COMMENTS
Mr. Ayariga has a big credibility problem
to tackle; and no amount of huffing and puffing will do so for him. No
“Ayaricough” or antics similar to “Ayarigate” will do so. It is serious
business—to account for anything done or undone in the name of the party that
he led at Election 2012. Accountability is the call.
Clearly, the pro-Nkrumahist family is
virtually dead and will soon become history. The occasional effusions or misplaced
critical assessments of happenings in Ghana coming from its agitated leaders
won’t solve the internal problems tearing everything into shreds for them.
Neither will knee-jerk public demonstrations of the kind that Dr. Nduom is
organizing all over the place as if it is such demonstrations that will enlarge
his party’s following.
As these parties waste time and resources
splitting their own ranks, they give credence to the claim that the NDC and NPP
will remain the strongest political parties to share political power in Ghana.
That returns Ghana to a two-party stream
(that had been the case before the collapse of multi-partyism under Nkrumah’s
agenda of the CPP’s being Ghana and Ghana’s being the CPP with himself as the
Life President).
Interestingly, both the NDC and NPP have a
collection of elements claiming to be Nkrumahists but gravitating more toward
the gravy train than clinging to the umbilical cord that might nourish their
ideological stream as Nkrumahists. They have become politically bastardized and
cannot persuade me that they are still Nkrumahists who will do what Nkrumahists
are expected to do to grow an Nkrumahist party.
With the return of the two-party stream in
Ghanaian politics comes many challenges that the electorate should take note of
and ensure that our democracy doesn’t falter. I will be happy to see all these
so-called pro-Nkrumahist parties collapsed into the NDC (whose agenda for
national development is not far different from that of the Great Osagyefo).
It will be a travesty of politics to have
them troop to the NPP because both are ideologically incompatible, even though
the dethroned Ellembele Mugabe (Freddie Blay) and Dr. Nduom have been in bed
with this Danquah-Busia anathema over the years. Freddie Blay has even picked
up a nomination form to contest the position of Vice Chairman of the NPP.
Such turncoats are laughable, not because
they come across as political prostitutes but because they have no ideology to
stand on and drift as the wind blows. They are not to be trusted.
When the two-party stream is consolidated,
it will become necessary for laws to be passed to regulate funding of political
parties and the state itself charged with supporting the two parties so a lasting
regime for political organization can be established for our democracy.
Then, politics should be used to improve
living conditions in the country, not to put in power any group of
self-seekers. The game of musical chairs won’t grow our democracy!!
I shall return…
Ban’s partisanship risks UN existence
Ban Ki Mooon |
Dr Webster G. Tarpley
The just-concluded first phase of the
international conference on Syria in the Swiss cities of Montreux and Geneva
has underlined a serious crisis in the collective security apparatus of the
world.
Because of his outrageous partisanship and animus against
countries like Syria and Iran, United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has
manifestly lost the confidence of political circles the world over, and can no
longer continue in office. Ban’s incompetent and partial management of
Geneva II is unquestionably one of the main causes for the meager results of
this diplomatic effort so far.
The role of the secretary general should be to maintain an
attitude of impartiality with a view to using good offices to mediate conflicts
in accordance with guidance from the Security Council. As the United
Nations states on its website: “One of the most vital roles played by the
Secretary-General is the use of his ‘good offices’ -- steps taken publicly and
in private, drawing upon his independence, impartiality and integrity, to
prevent international disputes from arising, escalating or spreading.”
But to speak of “independence, impartiality and integrity”
in the same sentence with the name of Ban has now become grotesque. Ban
Ki-moon has always been a dubious figure on these points, but he has now
crossed the line into partisanship and animus against two prominent
anti-imperialist states.
The present writer issued a call for the Secretary-General’s
impeachment in June 2012 because of Ban’s failing stewardship of the peace
process for Syria, which was already obvious at that time. Ironically,
Ban Ki-moon had momentarily re-appeared as a possible honest broker for the
Syrian conflict when, on Sunday, January 19, he announced his decision to
invite Iran along with a number of other countries to take part in the
preliminary session scheduled for Montreux the following Wednesday.
It is not known what factors contributed to such a moment of
lucidity on the part of Ban, but his reasonable conduct proved to be
short-lived. First, the Syrian National Coalition, a group of NATO
puppets inhabiting expensive hotels who represent precious little beside
themselves, bombastically stated that they would not participate in any
conference where Iran was present. The US State Department immediately
began howling that Iran had to fulfill the precondition of endorsing the
communiqué issued by the first Geneva conference on Syria, held in
mid-2012. But here Foggy Bottom ran into a palpable contradiction, since
Iran had been deliberately excluded from Geneva I -- in large part because of
US pressure. So now Iran was expected to endorse a communiqué issued by a
conference from which it had been shut out. No matter; the State Department
obviously did not want the Iranian presence and Ban Ki-moon was told to find a
way to keep Tehran’s envoys out.
Ban Ki-moon claimed that he had received informal assurances
from Iranian Foreign Minister Zarif that Iran accepted the general proposition
that the Syrian parties should agree on a transitional governing body for the
country. But now, Ban complained that public statements by Iranian
officials had contradicted that undertaking. Using this crude pretext,
Ban rescinded his invitation to Iran -- a diplomatic affront of the first
magnitude. Earlier Secretaries General of the United Nations had of
course played favorites, but seldom had they done so in such a primitive and
insulting manner as Ban.
Lavrov called this disinviting of Iran a serious mistake, and obliquely criticized Ban, noting that his about-face on Iran “hasn’t helped strengthen the UN’s authority,” and that his behavior appeared “unseemly” -- a reminder that Ban had gone too far in his notorious role as a US puppet. Lavrov correctly pointed out that the proper approach to organizing a peace conference is not to limit invitations to countries that one likes, but rather to secure the participation of all the countries whose cooperation is essential to arrive at a practical settlement.
Lavrov called this disinviting of Iran a serious mistake, and obliquely criticized Ban, noting that his about-face on Iran “hasn’t helped strengthen the UN’s authority,” and that his behavior appeared “unseemly” -- a reminder that Ban had gone too far in his notorious role as a US puppet. Lavrov correctly pointed out that the proper approach to organizing a peace conference is not to limit invitations to countries that one likes, but rather to secure the participation of all the countries whose cooperation is essential to arrive at a practical settlement.
The Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif stressed
that Iran had never agreed to accept preconditions to be able to take part in
negotiations on Syria, commenting: “Mr. Ban Ki-moon contacted me several
times last week and I stated to him explicitly that we don’t accept any
preconditions for participating in the meeting. We regret that Mr. Ban
Ki-moon has withdrawn his offer (the Montreux-Geneva invitation) and believe
that such an attitude is not appropriate for the status and dignity of the
Secretary-General.”
The State Department has been alleging for many months that
Iran has become a direct party to the conflict in Syria. If they really
believe that, it would necessarily follow that Iran must be invited to the
peace conference without any preconditions. But today’s State Department
appears gripped by a toxic mixture of hysteria, schizophrenia, and paranoia --
all radiating out from the erratic Secretary John Forbes Kerry of the infamous
Skull and Bones Society of Yale University, to whom Ban Ki-moon is largely
subordinated.
There can be no doubt that the blatantly servile behavior of
Ban Ki-moon has done permanent damage to the office of United Nations
Secretary-General. The question is now how long the United Nations can
survive as an institution if this kind of management is allowed to continue.
Ban-Ki moon’s bullying display in Montreux
During the proceedings at Montreux, Ban had still more
antics up his sleeve. He had already packed the list of 40 foreign
ministers scheduled to make opening statements with countries toeing the US
line of implacable hostility to the Assad government, combined with blatant
softness towards the terrorist rebels. His next step was to divide the
available time equally among these diplomats, with the result that both faraway
Australia and South Korea were each granted eight minutes, exactly the same
amount of time assigned to Syria, the country at the center of all the
attention.
Syria was represented at Montreux by Foreign Minister
Moallem, a figure of massive dignity with the courage to defend his country
from the chorus of vilification deployed against Syria by so many US and Saudi
client states. First Ban attempted to impose his time limits by
repeatedly ringing a little bell, but to no avail: Moallem continued his
compelling exposition. Then, Ban decided that it was time for a new
diplomatic affront, and he interrupted Moallem like a teacher chastening and
unruly schoolboy, leading to the following exchange:
Ban: Can you just wrap up
please.
Al-Moallem: I came here after 12 hours in the airplane. I have a few more minutes to end my speech. This is Syria.
Ban: How much do you have left now?
Al-Moallem: I think 5-10 minutes.
Ban: No, no. I will give you another opportunity to speak.
Al-Moallem: No, I cannot divide my speech. I must continue ... I will do my best to be fast.
Ban: Can you just wrap up in one or two minutes?
Al-Moallem: No, I can't promise you, I must finish my speech. ... You live in New York, I live in Syria. I have the right to give the Syrian version here in this forum. After three years of suffering, this is my right.
Ban: We have to have some constructive and harmonious dialogue, please refrain from inflammatory rhetoric.
Al-Moallem: It is constructive, I promise you, let me finish.
Ban: Within 2-3 minutes please. I will give you another opportunity.
Al-Moallem: You spoke for 25 minutes; at least I need to speak 30 minutes.
Al-Moallem: I came here after 12 hours in the airplane. I have a few more minutes to end my speech. This is Syria.
Ban: How much do you have left now?
Al-Moallem: I think 5-10 minutes.
Ban: No, no. I will give you another opportunity to speak.
Al-Moallem: No, I cannot divide my speech. I must continue ... I will do my best to be fast.
Ban: Can you just wrap up in one or two minutes?
Al-Moallem: No, I can't promise you, I must finish my speech. ... You live in New York, I live in Syria. I have the right to give the Syrian version here in this forum. After three years of suffering, this is my right.
Ban: We have to have some constructive and harmonious dialogue, please refrain from inflammatory rhetoric.
Al-Moallem: It is constructive, I promise you, let me finish.
Ban: Within 2-3 minutes please. I will give you another opportunity.
Al-Moallem: You spoke for 25 minutes; at least I need to speak 30 minutes.
Moallem had by far the greater moral authority, since every
minute that he spoke had been dearly purchased at the price of the blood of
soldiers in the Syrian Arab Army. Ban’s hooligan conduct was nothing
short of an international scandal.
Ban Ki-moon’s rowdy partisanship against Syria and Iran
threatens the very existence of the United Nations. With a little imagination,
we can see the definite possibility of the world body splitting into two
opposed camps: on the one side, an imperialist UN operating lawlessly under the
cynical cover of humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect,
made up of countries willing to subject themselves to the role of
Anglo-American finance capital, with the NATO military alliance as an enforcer.
On the other side would be a United Nations of independent states, respecting
the principle of noninterference in the internal affairs of its members as
enshrined in the United Nations Charter, and grouped around the BRICS group of
states.
In Article 100 of the United Nations Charter, we read:
“In the performance of their duties the Secretary-General and the staff shall
not seek or receive instructions from any government or from any other
authority external to the Organization. They shall refrain from any
action which might reflect on their position as international officials
responsible only to the Organization.” There is a very strong case that
Ban Ki-moon has flagrantly violated this provision, and should therefore be
removed from office.
A mirror for Ban-Ki moon: Joseph Avenol, the
Fascist secretary general of the League of Nations
Ban Ki-moon’s conduct recalls ssthat of Joseph Avenol, the
French pro-fascist functionary who served as Secretary General of the old
League of Nations from July 3, 1933 to August 31, 1940. Avenol played a
decisive role in promoting appeasement and support of fascist aggression.
After the Nazi regime had left the League of Nations, Avenol tried to suppress
criticism of Hitler in order to get Germany back into the League. He did
the same for Japan, which departed after its invasion of Chinese
Manchuria.
When Mussolini attacked Ethiopia, Avenol tried to defend the
image of fascist Italy rather than working to roll back aggression. After
the Franco-British sellout of Czechoslovakia at the Munich conference in 1938,
Avenol purged the League of Nations Secretariat of functionaries opposed to the
expansion of Nazi Germany. Avenol thus gutted the personnel of the
League, leaving it a hollow shell. Avenol became an enthusiastic
supporter of the Vichy regime of Marshall Pétain, although he never managed to
convince the Nazis that he was reliable. Here is the infamous tradition
in which Ban Ki-moon is currently following.
Ban Ki-moon had already raised eyebrows at the United Nations
because of his obstruction of anticorruption policies, and because of his
unusual call for action Security Council against the DPRK of North Korea during
the Cheonan crisis of May 2010. The Secretary-General is supposed to
represent the views of the Security Council, but Ban has always tended to
ignore Russia and China in favor of obedience to the US, Britain, and
France.
No Secretary-General of the United Nations has ever been
impeached, but this may be the territory which the world body will be compelled
to explore if Ban-Ki moon continues on his present course.
Makeda, Queen of Shiba |
The Forgotten History of African Women
By Dr Gary K. Busch
There is a great deal of discussion these days about the
need to promote gender equality in Africa. Indeed, the need is obvious as
millions of women toil in dreary, largely unpaid and unfulfilling tasks,
responsible for most of the farming, marketing and commerce of rural Africa in
addition to their child-bearing and child-rearing responsibilities. Many more
sit in desperation in refugee camps where they have been driven or shelter in
the bush, trying to avoid the conflicts around them. In large tracts of Africa
they are without a voice; without power; and the first victims of the civil
conflicts which have beset warring African states. They are victims of rape,
murder, virtual slavery as well as suffering from the diseases which debilitate
African populations.
This popular vision of a poor, oppressed and powerless
African female belies a long and proud history of African matriarchs, queens,
rebels and freedom fighters who were immensely powerful in their own societies.
Their history has been overlooked; suppressed by the colonial powers and
demeaned by the men who stole back their thrones from these mighty women.
There is a long history of powerful African queens, consorts
and rebel leaders which seldom make it into current history books. The role of
women in ruling African nations, fighting against colonial enslavement and
supervising the policies of their heirs and offspring as they rose into
political primacy is a suppressed and forgotten history. This is a history
which deserves to be taught in the schools.
There were many societies in Africa which were matriarchal.
Women were enshrined in positions of power. In most cases this matriarchal
power was broken by the invasion of foreign nations who could not or would not
deal with powerful women. In Guinée Bissau there were even matriarchal
societies where women were the most important element. On the Bijagos
Islands they had queens. They were not queens because they were the daughters
of kings. They had queens succeeding queens. The religious leaders were
women too.
The Historical Record
One of the earliest of the powerful African queens, whose
history did survive the passage of time, was Makeda, the Queen of Sheba. Black women of
antiquity were legendary for their beauty and power. Amongst these were the
Queens of Ethiopia (also known as Nubia, Kush, Axum and Sheba.) One thousand
years before Christ, Ethiopia was ruled by a line of virgin queens. The one
whose story has survived into our time was known as Makeda, "the Queen of
Sheba." Her remarkable tradition was recorded in the Kebar Nagast, or the
Glory of Kings, and the Bible. The Bible tells us of the infatuation of King
Solomon with this African queen (1 Kings 10). She bore a child to
Solomon, his first-born, called Menelik. Menelik and the Queen returned to
Ethiopia with the blessing of Solomon and founded the dynasty which lasted
until the mid-20th century and the triumph of the Dergue. The emperors of
Ethiopia were known as the “Lions of Judah” to reflect their descent from
Solomon and Makeda.
The royal women of Ancient Egypt wielded immense power. The
Kemetic women (Kemet was the Egyptian name for Egypt) of the 18th dynasty
wielded military as well as political power, starting with Ahhotep I who drove
out the foreign occupiers who had attacked Upper Egypt. Another was Hatshepsut,
who actually ruled as Pharaoh over all of Egypt. Hatshepsut held the throne for
over 20 years, building magnificent temples and sending a famous naval
expedition to trade with Somalia. Two other women ruled as pharaohs in their
own right: Sobekneferu and Twosret.
After the Romans conquered Egypt they set out to expand
their empire. Augustus sent troops to the south of Eygpt to invade the Kingdom
of the Meroites (Ethiopia) in 322 B.C., led by their warrior-queen Candace. Her full name
and title was Amnirense qore li kdwe li ("Ameniras, Qore and
Kandake") Candace was one of the greatest generals of the ancient world. This
formidable black queen was world famous as a military tactician and field
commander. Augustus could not entertain even the possibility of having
his world fame and unbroken chain of victories marred by risking a defeat, at
last, by a woman. He halted his armies at the borders of Ethiopia and did not
invade. He refused to meet the waiting black armies with their Queen in
personal command. He granted an audience to the representatives of Candace at
the island of Samos and negotiated a peace deal with the Meroites, including a
neutral buffer zone. This was the first recorded instance in the entire history
of Africa when diplomats representing a Black African ruler, independent of
Egypt, travelled to Europe to achieve a diplomatic resolution.
Another great queen was the North African Berber Queen
al-Kāhina bint D̲j̲arāwa al-Zanāt, better known as Dihya. She was a Berber
queen, a religious and military leader who led indigenous resistance to Arab
expansion in Northwest Africa (the region then known as Numidia, known as
eastern Algeria today). She was born in the early 7th century and died around
the end of the 7th century. She was Jewish. She was famous because, in
her youth, she had freed her people from a tyrant by agreeing to marry him and
then murdering him on their wedding night. Dihyā succeeded Kusaila as the war
leader of the Berber tribes in the 680s and opposed the encroaching Arab armies
of the Umayyad Dynasty. Hasan ibn al-Nu'man marched from Egypt and captured the
major Byzantine city of Carthage and other cities. Standing in the way of his
conquest of all of North Africa was Dihya. He marched into Numidia. Their
armies met near Meskiana in the present-day province of Oum el-Bouaghi,
Algeria. She defeated Hasan so soundly that he fled and retired to Cyrenaica
(Libya) for four or five years before giving up his quest for North African
hegemony.
There were many other powerful African queens whose actions
shaped the destinies of their nations. One of the most important of these
African queens was Amina,
the Queen of Zaria (1588-1589). She was queen of Zazzua, a part of Nigeria now
known as Zaria where matrilineal equality allowed women to rule as well as men.
She was born around 1533 during the reign of Sarkin (king) Zazzau Nohir; she
was probably his granddaughter. Zazzua was one of a number of Hausa city-states
which dominated the trans-Saharan trade after the collapse of the Songhai
Empire to the west. Its wealth was due to trade of mainly leather goods, cloth,
kola, salt, horses and imported metals.
At the age of sixteen, Amina became the heir apparent
(Magajiya) to her mother, Bakwa of Turunku, the ruling queen of Zazzua.
Although her mother's reign was known for peace and prosperity, Amina decided
to immerse herself in military skills from the warriors. Queen Bakwa died
around 1566 and the reign of Zazzua passed to her younger brother Karama. At
this time Amina emerged as the leading warrior of Zazzua cavalry. Her military
achievements brought her great wealth and power.
When Karama died after a ten-year rule, Amina became queen
of Zazzua. She set off on her first military expedition three months after
coming to power and continued fighting until her death. In her thirty-four year
reign, she expanded the domain of Zazzua to its largest size ever. Her main
focus, however, was not on annexation of neighbouring lands, but on forcing
local rulers to accept vassal status and permitting Hausa traders safe passage.
She is credited with popularizing the earthen city wall fortifications, which
became characteristic of Hausa city-states since then. She ordered building of
a defensive wall around each military camp that she established. Later, towns
grew within these protective walls, many of which are still in existence.
They're known as "ganuwar Amina", or Amina's walls. She is mostly
remembered as "Amina, Yar Bakwa ta san rana," meaning "Amina,
daughter of Nikatau, a woman as capable as a man.”[i]
With the arrival of colonialism the struggle took a
different turn. When the British conquered and subjugated Ghana they captured
the Asantahene, the paramount king of the Ashanti The counter attack
against the imposition of colonial rule was led by Yaa Asantewa the Queen
Mother of Ejisu. Her fight against British colonialists is a story that is a
key feature of the history of Ghana. She stiffened the resolve of the chiefs
who feared to attack the British. One evening the chiefs held a secret meeting
at Kumasi. Yaa Asantewa was at the meeting. The chiefs were discussing how they
should make war on the white men and force them to bring back the Asantehene.
Yaa Asantewa noticed that some of the chiefs were afraid. Some said that there
should be no war. They suggested that they be delegated to go to beg the
Governor to bring back the Asantehene King Prempeh. Then Yaa Asantewa stood up
and spoke.
This was what she said: "Now I have seen that some of
you fear to go forward to fight for our king. If it were in the brave days of,
the days of Osei Tutu, Okomfo Anokye, and Opolu Ware, chiefs would not sit down
to see thief king taken away without firing a shot. No white man could have
dared to speak to chief of the Ashanti in the way the Governor spoke to you
chiefs this morning. Is it true that the bravery of the Ashanti is no more? I
cannot believe it. It cannot be! I must say this, if you the men of Ashanti
will not go forward, then we will. We the women will. I shall call upon my
fellow women. We will fight the white men. We will fight till the last of us
falls in the battlefields."
This speech stirred up the men who took an oath to fight the
white men until they released the Asantehene. For months the Ashanti, led by
Yaa Asantewa, fought very bravely and kept the white men in their fort.
Finally, British reinforcements totalling 1,400 soldiers arrived at Kumasi. Yaa
Asantewa and other leaders were captured and sent into exile. Yaa Asantewa's
war was the last of the major wars in Africa led by a woman.
Another ant-colonial fighter was Mbande Zinga, the sister
and advisor of the king of Ngola (today Angola). She served as his
representative in negotiating treaties with the colonial Portuguese. She became
queen when her brother died in 1624 and appointed women, including her two
sisters Kifunji and Mukumbu, to all government offices. She was a member of the
ethnic Jagas a militant group that formed a human shield against the Portuguese
slave traders. As a visionary political leader, competent, and self-sacrificing
she was completely devoted to the resistance movement. She formed alliances
with other foreign powers pitting them against one another to free Angola of
European influence. When the Portuguese broke the peace treaty she led her
largely female army against them inflicting terrible casualties while also
conquering nearby kingdoms in an attempt to build a strong enough confederation
to drive the Portuguese out of Africa. She accepted a truce and then agreed to
a peace treaty in 1635. She continued to rule her people and lived to be 81.
When Angola became an independent nation in 1975 a street in Luanda was named
in her honour.
Rebellion was led by women in Central Africa as well. One of
the most revered is Nehanda
Mbuya (‘grandmother’) of Zimbabwe. When the English invaded
Zimbabwe in 1896 and Cecil Rhodes began confiscating land and cattle, Nehanda
and other Shona leaders declared war. Nehanda (1862-1898) was a priestess of
the MaShona nation of Zimbabwe. She became a military leader of her people when
the British invaded her country. She led a number of successful attacks on the
English but was eventually captured and executed. She is one of the most important
personalities in the modern history of Zimbabwe. She is still referred to as
Mbuya (Grandmother) Nehanda by Zimbabwean patriots.
The Baulé nation of the Ivory Coast reveres a female
founder: the Ashanti princess Abla
Pokou, who led her people fleeing across the river from Ghana
into Ivory Coast to carve out a territory for their settlement
Llinga was a warrior queen of
the Ba-Kongo who, armed with axe, bow and sword fought the Portuguese in 1640,
leading an army of both women and men against the colonialists. Women warriors
were common in the Congo where the Monomotapa confederacy had standing armies
of women.
Kaipkir was the warrior leader
of the Herero tribe of southwest Africa in the 18th century. She led her people
in battles against British slave traders. She had a standing force of armed
women who would attack the slave traders and force them to give up their
captives. There are records of Herero women fighting German soldiers as late as
1919.
Nandi (Nandi kaBhebhe
eLangeni) was the warrior mother of Shaka Zulu., the famed leader of the Zulu
in South Africa. She battled slave traders as well and trained her son to be a
warrior. When he became King he established an all-female regiment which often
fought in the front lines of his army.
Mantatisi was the warrior queen of
the baTlokwas (the once famous 40,000- to 50,000-strong Sotho tribe). In the
early 1800s, Queen Mantatisi became the first woman to rule as chieftainess
over her people. She fought to preserve her tribal lands during the wars between
Shaka Zulu and Matiwane. She succeeded in protecting the baTlokwas heritage
although her son, who became King when she died, was eventually defeated by
Mahweshwe.
A contemporary was Dzugudini,
a grand-daughter of "the famous ruler Monomatapa,".
She was the founding Rain Queen of the Lovedu. Her royal father was angry that
she bore a child out of wedlock and drove her South to live among the Basotho.
In the early 1800s, a leadership crisis was resolved by accession of the first
Mujaji, a Rain Queen with both political and ceremonial power. She had no
military, but even the Zulu king Shaka paid her tribute because of her rain
power. Her successors have less authority, but still preside over womanhood
initiations and other important rituals
Madam Yoko (Mammy Yoko) was a leader of the Mende of Sierra
Leone. She ruled and led the army of the fourteen tribes of the Kpa Mende
Confederacy, the largest tribal group in 19th century Sierra Leone. At that
time at least 15% of all the tribes in Sierra Leone were led by women, today
approximately 9% have women rulers. Her birth name was Soma, which she changed
to Yoko after her Sande (women’s secret society) initiation. She was born
around 1849 in the Gbo Chiefdom. She used her leadership of the Sande to
augment her political contacts. In 1878 Yoko became the chief of Senehun and
was recognised as the Queen by the British.
Menen Leben Amede was Empress
of Ethopia. She commanded her own army and acted as regent for her son Ali
Alulus. She was wounded and captured in a battle in 1847 but was ransomed by
her son and continued to rule until 1853.
Seh-Dong-Hong-Beh was a leader
of the Dahomey Amazons under King Gezo. In 1851 she led an army of 6,000 women
against the Egba fortress of Abeokuta. Because the Amazons were armed with
spears, bows and swords while the Egba had European cannons only about 1,200
survived the extended battle. In 1892 King Behanzin of Dahomey (now Benin) took
up arms against the French colonists over trading rights. He led his army of
12,000 troops, including 2,000 Amazons trained by Seh-Dong-Hong-Beh into
battle.
Despite the fact that the Dahomey army was armed only with
rifles while the French had machine guns and cannons, the Amazons attacked when
the French troops attempted a river crossing, inflicting heavy casualties. They
engaged in hand to hand combat with the survivors eventually forcing the French
army to retreat. Days later the French found a bridge, crossed the river and
defeated the Dahomey army after fierce fighting. The Amazons burned fields,
villages and cities rather than let them fall to the French but merely delayed
Dahomey being absorbed as a French colony. [ii]
In the late 19th century Mukaya, the leader of the Luba people of
central Africa whose nation stretched along the rain forest from Zaire to
northern Zambia, led her warriors in battle against enemy tribes and rival
factions. Initially she fought alongside her brother Kasongo Kalambo, after he
was killed in battle she assumed sole control of the empire and the army.
Perhaps the most famous effort by women was thee Aba
rebellion in southeastern Nigeria, This incident become known as the Igbo Women's War of 1929
(or "Ogu Ndem," Women's War, in Igbo. It was organized and led by the
rural women of Oerri and Calabar provinces. People were outraged at the
colonial government's plan to tax women, "the trees that bear fruit."
In protest, Ibo women bound their heads with ferns, painted their faces with
ash, put on loincloths and carried sacred sticks with palm frond wreaths.
Thousands marched on the District Office, dancing, singing protests, and
demanding the cap of office of the colonial chief Okugo.
This protest spread into a vast regional insurrection. The
Ibo women's councils mobilized demonstrations in three provinces, turning out
over 2,000,000 protesters. The British District Officer at Bende wrote,
"The trouble spread in the 2nd week of December to Aba, an important
trading centre on the railway. Here there converged some 10,000 women, scantily
clothed, girdled with green leaves, carrying sticks. Singing angry songs
against the chiefs and the court messengers, the women proceeded to attack and
loot the European trading shops, stores, and Barclay's Bank, and to break into
the prison and release the prisoners."
Elsewhere women protestors burned down the hated British
"Native Courts" and cut telegraph wires, throwing officials into
panic. The colonials fired on the female protesters, killing more than fifty
and wounding more. The leaders of the protest in Oloko are known as the Oloko
Trio: Ikonnia, Mwannedia and Nwugo. Nwanyereuwa played a major role in keeping
the protests non-violent. Others included Mary of Ogu Ndem, Ihejilemebi Ibe of
Umuokirika Village and Ahebi Ugabe of Enugu-Ezike: "The Female
Leopard".
Marches continued sporadically into 1930. These mass actions
became known as the Aba Rebellion of 1929, or The War of the Women. It was one
of the most significant anti-colonial revolts in Africa of that day. [iii]
There is a rich tradition of matriarchy in African
societies; some still exist today Perhaps the most visible is the Queen Mother
of Swaziland, the
Indlovukazi (also known as the Great She-Elephant).
Traditionally the Queen Mother is a co-regent with the King. The current Queen
Mother is Ntombi laTwala,
the mother of the current king Makhosetive Dhlamini, ruling as King Mswati III
with his mother as Joint Head of State. As Queen Mother, Ntombi is seen as the
spiritual and national head of state, while her son is considered the
administrative head of state.[iv]
The history of Africa includes many important African women
who used their power to shape their nations. However some women were powerful
but considered to be very dangerous and evil by the colonial powers. The most
famous of these was Queen
Ranavalona I - The Mad Monarch of Madagascar (1782 - 1861).
Contemporaries wrote about her) ‘She is certainly one of the proudest and cruel
women on the face of the earth, and her whole history is a record of bloodshed
and deeds of horror.’ – Ida Pfeiffer (explorer). This may well have been a
biased view.
For centuries Madagascar was virtually unknown to foreign
invaders. By the 18th century, this unspoiled and untamed land was discovered
by European explorers who scrambled to claim the prime real estate for their
very own. For the English, Madagascar was the perfect pit-stop on the long
voyage to India. The French were eager to add Madagascar to their already
burgeoning African portfolio. King Andrianampoinimerina believed that learning
from the West would help his country. However, traditionalists and the priests
weren’t too keen on the idea. His uncle took it one step further and tried to
assassinate him. He was saved by the intervention of a local tribesman who
alerted him to the plot. To say ‘thank you,’ the King decided to adopt the
tribesman’s daughter, Ranavalona, bringing her to court as a possible wife for
his son, Prince Radama. Soon Ranavalona became the first of Prince Radama’s 12
wives. They didn’t get on. She opposed reform; preferring the “old ways”
In 1810, Prince Radama succeeded his father as King.
Ranavalona became increasingly frustrated at her inability to check her
husband’s modernizing ideas. He was eager to bring his country into the 19th
century. King Radama began to allow more foreigners onto the island,
particularly British missionaries, who began efforts to convert the natives to
Christianity. They built schools, and helped to develop a written language.
Ranavalona watched in horror as the new religion slowly took root threatening
the worship of the Malagasy gods.
In 1828, King Radama died after a long, debilitating
illness. Two of his officers decided to keep the news out of circulation until
they could place his nephew, Prince Rakatobe on the throne. But Ranavalona got
wind of the plan and mobilized her supporters, which included the priests and
the hard-core traditionalists. She spread rumours that the gods were telling
her that she was destined to be the next ruler. After declaring herself Queen,
she had all immediate rivals to the throne captured and put to death.
Once that was out of the way, Ranavalona decided to teach
the foreigners polluting her nation a lesson. As far as Ranavalona was concerned,
the only good foreigner was a dead one. She broke treaties with both the
English and the French and banned Christianity. With a fanaticism that would
have made the Inquisition proud, she came up with creative and inventive ways
to eliminate any one caught practicing Christianity. They were tortured, boiled
in water, poisoned, flung off cliffs or beheaded if they didn’t recant.
She also got rid of trial by jury and brought back good old
fashioned ‘Trial by Ordeal’ which was decided by forcing the accused to drink
the poisonous juice of the tanguena plant. If they survived, they were
innocent. Both the French and the British spent considerable time and effort
trying to dislodge Ranavalona from the throne but to no avail. After one
successful battle against an invasion, Ranavalona cut off the heads of the dead
Europeans, stuck them on pikes, and lined them up on the beach, to repel any
future invaders. After that little display, the French and the English decided
that were better off concentrating their efforts on other third world countries
not ruled by insane females.
Ranavalona wanted her people to be self-sufficient but was
well aware of her inherent military weaknesses. Divine providence brought her a
French arms manufacturer whose boat was shipwrecked off the coast. He helped
her to build up her arsenal, and became her lover as well. Before long
Madagascar had built factories to produce guns, bullets, sugar, clothing and
rum. She founded cities, and was one of the few African rulers to successfully
hold off colonial rule.
However, independence came at a high prize. To boost the
economy, Ranavalona turned to selling her own subjects into slavery. Those who
were sold were considered traitors, spoils of war, or Christians caught
practicing their religion in secret. She continued the wars of expansion,
determined to bring the entire island under her thumb. Her actions decimated
the population from a high of 5 million people down to 2.5 million at the end
of her reign. It was estimated that 20,000 to 30,000 were killed a year for
various offenses. Ranavalona died peacefully in her bed at the age of 79 in
1861, managing to survive a coup by her son. It is difficult to treat her
as a great African Queen.[v] She did,
however, succeed against colonial takeover.
Problems Of Gender
Equality
Despite the obvious problems of reaching gender equality in
Africa there is one important area where gender equality has been achieved.
Powerful African women: heads of state; cabinet ministers and businesswomen are
as corrupt as their male counterparts. Today one can see a major investigation
of corruption in Malawi, where President Joyce Banda is accused of mislaying
some eighty million dollars. The President of Liberia, Ellen Sirleaf-Johnson is
accused of a wide variety of corrupt practices. The recent linking of the wife
of the former head of state in Guinea to her sponsorship of the national drug
trade and the turning of the country into a narco-state has illustrated the
temptations of unchecked power. The Nigerian President, Jonathan Goodluck, is
beset by a gaggle of corrupt women – Diezani K. Alison-Madueke (the Oil
minister), Stella Oduah-Ogiemwonyi (the Aviation Minister); Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala
(the Finance Minister) and his wife Patience; all of whom are notorious for
their forays into vulture capitalism. The wives of many African heads of state
are famous for their excesses of personal spending meddling in political
affairs for their own pecuniary ends – Chantal Biya, Grace Mugabe, to name but
two. The female children sometimes excel their parents in their avarice and
meddling in business as well as politics: Isabel Dos Santos is the richest
woman in Africa; Valentina da Luz Guebuza is the second richest, running the
family company Focus 21.
There are many prosperous African women who got their
positions by marrying a “big man” who gave them oil concessions, banks to run
and property to lease. Even those have been shown to have a predilection for
shady business practices. In 2010 Cecilia Ibru, former CEO of Oceanic
Bank, pleaded guilty to three of 25 counts of fraud and mismanagement and
was sentenced to six months in prison for fraud and ordered to hand over
$1.2bn (£786m) in cash and assets. This was after she tried to skip out of
Nigeria on a borrowed jet.
The point of this is that, given half a chance, the female
African with power or linked to power is as corrupt as her male counterparts. A
good reason for this is that there are very few African female role models who
provide an alternative to this Jagua Nana behaviour. They have not been taught about
the historical African females who struggled on behalf of their countries;
fought colonialism and made sacrifices for their nations. In Swahili they say
the women have chosen to fight to be “wabenzi” (the people of the
Mercedes-Benz) rather than to support the “wananchi” (the common people). The
urban, educated African woman is capable of forcing a change in her society by
example. The poor, disorganised rural women struggling for survival have no
power to make changes but the educated, urban African woman has the power to
make changes is she wishes to do so. So, perhaps she can reflect on the legacy
of Amina of Zaria, Yaa Asantewa, Nehanda Mabuya and the others and spend some
time fostering social justice in her own country.
It is a proud legacy and deserves to be better known.
Do you too argue over just every small things? – Wait a minute. Who say’s I argue over small things? Never, that’s not my style.
That’s the instant reaction of anyone when confronted with this question. Little do we realize that by replying back instead of quietly acknowledging or side-tracking the question, that we are just starting 1 more small argument. The moment my editor asked me to write about this topic, I was itching to argue – Oh no! Why do I get such a difficult topic again?
But, on second thoughts I decided to quietly research and see If I can come up with something interesting. So read on about why do people incessantly keep arguing over little things and conveniently lose sight of the big picture. A phrase, which best describes such sort of people are ‘ Can’t see the wood from the trees’. We get so caught up in fighting over details, when we are actually are agreeing on the bigger summary.
Why and What do we commonly argue about?
Let’s get our definitions clear first. What does argue mean? Argue means to fight with words. Is it the same as disagreement? Not necessarily, since you can agree to disagree without arguing.
Is it the same as physical fights and mental torture? Let’s say it’s a similar relationship like Smoke and Fire. Physical fights and mental torture usually start over small arguments, which never get resolved. Why do we argue with people? The simplistic explanation of this is because we want things to go the way we see it. If the way you see it, is not the way the other person sees it, you can guess what happens next right? An argument. In a way, we are all quite selfish. ( I wouldn’t want to classify Mother Theresa in that list, but then one never knows if she also argued over petty things with her sisters or the lepers of her ‘Missionaries of Charity’). We always like things to be the way we say it should be.
Let us try recognizing the usual conflicts, which arise throughout our life , which start of as argument over trivial things.
1. Parents and Children
More popularly termed the ‘generation
gap’.
The daily nitpicking from mom about the way we mess things in the house or the
constant grumble from dad about the friends we meet and the money we spend on a
lifestyle not to his taste.
Why did u see TV instead of studying? Why did u go out with
that cheap girl / guy? Why did you not say ‘Hello’ to Aunty Sheila in the mall?
(The simplest reason was because Aunt Sheila had a bigger scowl on her face,
but mom did not notice that). The list goes on and on. The minute the
child responds back to these questions with the same fierce tone, both get
locked in an argument.
2. Boyfriend / Girlfriend
/ Husband / Wife
I’m sure the first thing Adam and Eve did after being
banished from the Garden of
Eden was to have an argument. Adam must have cursed
Eve for offering him the Apple and Eve must have taunted him for not being man
enough to stand up to God. So from time immortal, man and woman have been at
constant loggerheads during their courtship days and after marriage. When minor
arguments keep repeating at regular intervals and flare up into bigger fights,
the inevitable split or divorce has to happen. During courtship days, the
arguments may center over ‘Why did you forget my birthday’. During the
honeymoon, the argument may move on to toilet etiquette. The wife will remind
the husband – ‘Please put the toilet cover back on after you finish?
Before the children come, the husband may grumble about the
famine of sex during the wife’s periods or it could be the other way around
when the husband has come back from a stressed business meeting with a wife
wanting to flaunt her new teddy nightie
After the children come, the arguments center on how to
raise the children. The mother worried about their security and studies, the
father not getting to take them out as often as he wants. They say ‘Men come
from Mars; Women from Venus but they sure do fight a lot in Middle
Earth’.
3. Siblings
Both the Hindu mythology epics ‘Mahabharat’ (Pandavas /
Kauravas) and ‘Ramayan’ (Ram / Bharat) as well as the Old Testament (Kane /
Abel) mention arguments between siblings. Right from their toddler days
when they fight over toys to their teen years when they fight over clothes or
after they become adults, when they fight over property and parent’s
inheritance, the small pin-pricks first lead to arguments and then name-calling
and much worse.
4. Mother-in-law / Daughter-in-law
This is very common in cultures where the couple stay with
the boy’s parents. In India, a super hit soap-opera ‘Saas Bhi Kahi Bahu Thi (mother-in-law was once a
daughter-in-law) highlights the constant bickering between this infamous
pairing. Not that son-in-law / mother-in-law relationship is rosy as well. But
men are smart to realize, if they don’t stand to win an argument with 1
domineering woman (the wife) , what chance do they have to argue with 2
domineering woman at the same time? So the son-in-law usually just mumbles in
monosyllables or sulks away when the mother-in-law comes visiting.
5. Office colleagues /
Friends
Most likely reasons why arguments happen in such pairings
are invariably due to competitive life-styles or jealousy. Why did you come
late for our gathering (among friends) or What were you doing in the
boss’s cabin and whispering in his ears (among office colleagues).
When Does An Argument Stop?
An argument can stop fairly quickly if in the disagreement,
one is just plain wrong and after some time is smart enough to sense it.
Initially, the person may have got the facts wrong or he felt no point trying
to win the argument and throws in the towel in gesture sufficient to nip the
argument in the infancy. A classic example is When the wife for the umpteenth time
tells me to switch off the light in the room, when I don’t need it. Initially,
out of self-defense I argue back, but later on after she presents me the
previous electricity bill, I sheepishly tell her ‘Darling, I’m sorry . You are
so right’.
The most difficult conflict to resolve is, when both feeling
they are right. Neither wants to let go as both dig in their heels so confident
they can’t be wrong. Children’s studies are a classic example. The wife always
insecure about the future, wants the children to study more and expects the
husband to also chip in. The husband (remembering his childhood) where his
parents allowed him to be independent thinking and also needing some free time
at home, feels the wife is piling pressure on the child un-necessarily.
Both actually have the same intention – Well-being of the
child, but since they are looking at 2 different spots of the elephant (in the
Blind Men and Elephant folktale) they never can agree to meet half-way. In such
cases, hopefully through communication, if both come to an agreement on ‘What
the final goal is?
The fundamental reason ‘Why people argue a lot ?’ is that
they are having 2 different tracks to a common goal, but neither is putting
themselves on the other’s shoes and so the differences between them simmer and
come to a boil slowly, sooner or later.
An argument is like the debates in school with a key
difference. In a debate, as both sides are usually strangers to each other and
their focus is on the prize and there is very little anger to the other side.
In an argument between 2 known people, the argument will be followed by anger.
Anger could be at a low or high level. Low level anger arguments only have a
nuisance value and time will be the main factor in resolving this. But once in
an argument, one or both take anger to extremes then it can turn out to be a
point of no return.
Are little arguments
‘avoidable’ or not?
What do you feel? Can 2 people live for hours / months /
years with each other without stepping on each other’s toes constantly? Can an
employee, who feels shortchanged in his company over lower pay, live with an
ever-demanding boss? Can 2 political parties, both trying to form the
government on their own, ever sometimes ignore to run the other party down? Do
you agree – This was a well-researched article or not?
Lucky for me, I am not around to listen to your disagreement
and argue back with you. Sometimes, it is just good to step back a bit and
think of that age-old classic song ‘Que Sera Sera – What will be will be? The
future is not mine to see. So why argue about the past. Enjoy the present’.
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