CONFUSION OVER SUBSIDIZED FERTILIZER DISTRIBUTION IN UWR

President Nana Akufo Addo

By Bajin D. Pobia

Confusion has erupted over the distribution of 20,000 bags of government subsidized NPK fertilizers meant for farmers in the Upper West Region.

Agents of Yara Company, suppliers of the fertilizers insist that the fertilizers have been supplied to farmers.

However, several farmers are complaining that they have not received the fertilizers.

Mr Amidu Chinnia Issahaku, Deputy Upper West Region Minister, made this known at a get-together forum with the Wa Branch of the Sissala Union in Wa on Saturday.

He said there were reports that the fertilizers were being smuggled out to neighbouring Burkina Faso to the detriment of farmers in the region.

Some reports also indicated that the fertilizers were sold out to individuals who were hoarding the commodity with the intention of selling it out later in the open market at a higher price during the peak farming season.

“Farmers are complaining that they have not received the fertilizers but agents of Yara Company which brought the fertilizers to the region specified that all the fertilizers have been distributed to the farmers”, he said.

Mr Issahaku said if there was anything wrong in the distribution chain system, then the district directors of agriculture would be held responsible because the issuance of chits to the farmers was their responsibilities.

“There seems to be a conspiracy between the officers and agents of the fertilizer companies and henceforth, we will ensure that we put our agents to monitor and record all daily sales and report to the Regional Coordinating Council”, he said.

Mr Issahaku hinted that the Regional Coordinating Council would invite the Regional Director of Food and Agriculture and find out more about the whereabouts of the fertilizers.

Anybody found capable would be made to face the full rigorous of the law to serve as a deterrent to others.

Mr Issahaku said out of the 20,000 bags of the NPK fertilizers that Yara Company brought to the region, 10,000 bags were supplied to Tumu to cater for farmers in Sissala East and, Sissala West who were dominantly large scale maize farmers.

He said there were about 11 companies scheduled to deliver fertilizers to the region under government’s “Fertilizer Subsidy Programme” to reduce the burden on farmers in the acquisition of farm inputs, which he explained had always been the bane to agricultural production.

Mr Issahaku said he was unhappy that some people were out to thwart government efforts by abusing the “Fertilizer Subsidy Programme”.

“We will put in measures to make sure that the programme benefits the right farmers”.

Editorial

TRUMP’S CONFUSION

The President of the United States of America must be genuinely confused and he may need help to enable him appreciate the reality in the Middle East and the Persian Gulf.

On a trip to Israel which is widely seen as an apartheid state, Donald Trump launched a blistering attack on national liberation movements in the Middle East and attacked the Islamic Republic of Iran for supporting them.

Interestingly Donald Trump was also very angry with Iran form supporting the legitimate government of Syria headed by President Assad.

Who deserves support in Syria? Is it the legitimate government or the western backed terrorists who eat the raw hearts of their victims on camera?

Iran’s commitment to the fight against terrorism has been adequately demonstrated in Syria where it has joined hands with Russia and Hezbollah, the Lebanese nationalist movement to weed out terrorists recruited from all over the world.

Iran’s support for the Palestinian resistance movement deserves commendation as an effort to end apartheid and colonial occupation.

Trump’s claim that Iran wants to produce nuclear weapons is only a red herring given the fact that the so-called international community has come to accept that Iran is not pursuing any such objective.

In any case, what is the Trump administration doing about Israeli’s stockpile of nuclear weapons?

President Trump must shake himself out of his monumental confusion.

Local News:

Ghana Is Committed To ECOWAS Project- Akufo-Addo

President Nana Akufo Addo

President Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo has reiterated Ghana’s full commitment to the ECOWAS project, reassuring the country would play its role in ensuring that the ideals of the economic Bloc were upheld to bring the needed development to the region.

Giving that assurance on Saturday when he interacted with the Ghanaian community resident in Cape Verde, as part of his three day tour of that country, President Akufo-Addo expressed satisfaction so far with the outcome of his tour of the countries in the ECOWAS region, as the set objectives prior to the commencement of the tour were being met.  

“The purpose of the tour of the ECOWAS countries, as outlined by the presidency, was to afford President Akufo-Addo the opportunity to introduce himself, as the new Ghanaian leader, formally to the governments and peoples of neighbouring countries, explore and deepen our bilateral relations with them, and reiterate Ghana’s full commitment to the ECOWAS project.”

According to the President, “Everywhere I have been so far, I have been met with a lot of enthusiasm and warmth, because people are reassured about Ghana’s role in ECOWAS, and, to me, that is very important. If we can make a success out of ECOWAS, it will help us a lot in the economic development of our country.”

With Ghana having the second largest economy in West Africa, and being the second biggest country in terms of population, President Akufo-Addo stated that “what these tours are trying to do is to reassure the ECOWAS world that we are still very much engaged.”

Touching on issues back in Ghana, President Akufo-Addo told the gathering that the Asempa Budget outlined the economic vision of his government, as well as pointed to the direction in which his government wanted the country to head.

“We believe that if we can empower and stimulate the private sector in Ghana, those who do their own businesses and take risk, if we can strengthen them, it will be the quickest way we can develop our economy and thereby create jobs and bring prosperity to our country,” he said.

President Akufo-Addo indicated that “a lot of taxes that had been irritating many private sector operatives were removed. GH¢1 billion in taxes was taken out of government’s revenue, in order to have this money remain at the level of private businesses for them to be able to re-invest it in the economy”.

He reiterated the commitment of his government towards fulfilling the promises he made to Ghanaians in the run-up to the December 2016 elections.

The Free Senior High School Policy, he said, is on its way to being fulfilled, indicating that his government will fund the cost of public Senior High Schools for all those who qualify for entry from the 2017/2018 academic year onwards.

On the revival of the National Health Insurance Scheme, President Akufo-Addo noted that his government had found it necessary to find the money to save the scheme from collapse.

“The scheme has been threatened by mismanagement and by huge indebtedness. We now have to systematically liquidate the arrears so that the service providers can be encouraged to provide services for NHIS card holders. I am hoping that within 18 months, all the arrears of the NHIS would have been settled, so that we can have a secured future for the scheme,” he said.   

On the agricultural sector, the President told the gathering that the programme, “Planting for Food and Jobs” launched in Goaso a month ago is the answer to the twin-problem of the migration of youth to city centres in search of non-existent jobs, as well as an end to the disgraceful spectacle of Ghana importing food stuffs from neighbouring countries.  

The programme, he noted, has so far employed 1,200 extension officers, and an additional 2,000 more officers would be employed in 2018. Additionally, the programme, he stated would in its first year target 200,000 farmers.

President Akufo-Addo thereafter visited the Centre for Renewable Energy and Industrial Maintenance (CERMI).

CERMI was established to build capacities on the different technologies of renewable energy such as solar, photovoltaic and wind. By the year 2020, Cape Verde aims at achieving a 100 percent penetration rate of renewable energy in use in all parts of the country.

The ECOWAS Centre for Renewable Energy and Energy Efficiency, whose Executive Director is Mr. Mahama Kappiah, a Ghanaian, is working closely with CERMI to this end.

President Akufo-Addo was also taken on a tour of Cape Verde’s National Data Centre (NOSi), which was established in August 2015. The Centre aims at providing services in areas such as finance, distance higher education, research and development of software, and other solutions in the field of new technologies.

According to Jorge Lopes, Coordinator of NOSi, who took President Akufo-Addo on the tour, “this infrastructure allows us to store and process the data safely. From this centre, Cape Verde can offer storage services and data processing, software

development, "hosting" websites, etc., to institutions, national and international, amongst others.”

President Akufo-Addo was also taken to Cidade Velha, the Portuguese word for "old city". A former capital of Cape Verde, it is the oldest settlement in Cape Verde, and is currently the seat of the Ribeira Grande de Santiago Municipality.

The “old city” was the first European colonial settlement in the tropics. Some of the planned original design of the site is still intact, including a royal fortress, two towering churches and a 16th century town square. Today, Cidade Velha is an Atlantic shipping stop and centre for Creole culture. The city became a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2009.

GNA

Women’s Empowerment in Ghana’s Shea Industry

 

By Alice Mapenzi Kubo

When Ghana attempted to restructure the women-dominated shea industry in line with foreign imposed structural adjustment programmes, the women protested. Since then, technological assistance and other initiatives  by the government in collaboration with various knowledge institutions have enabled women shea producers to expand their professional knowledge and networks, and introduced them to new markets.

Introduction

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, following the global economic crisis, the Ghanaian government introduced the shea export policy within the framework of structural adjustment reforms. In theory, such changes were expected to foster economic growth, since the assumption was that everyone would benefit from the diminishing trade barriers and favourable foreign investment policies (Laver & Boamah 2016; Kojo & Chichava 2015; O’Brien & Leichenko 2000). The reforms were a way to stimulate rural development, enhance employment and economic opportunities for indigenous people, especially in rural areas.

President Rawlings also urged people to be more active in collecting shea nuts. He encouraged men to assist their women because gender roles and responsibilities in the community were an impediment to producing the required amount of shea nuts (Chalfin 2004). Yet, in cultural terms that was clearly at odds with the prevailing tradition in the Northern territories of Ghana where shea trees grow.

Women, everywhere, face challenges when combining income-generating activities with household chores. What may not be known is that traditionally, people of the Northern parts of Ghana regarded shea trees as a women’s crop and the shea trade a women’s business. Nevertheless, the shea export policy introduced by the Rawlings’s government did encourage the active involvement of men. Although such efforts may be seen as career activism that aims to bring about socio-economic changes, such measures may also have negative repercussions for some groups in society. We could ask whether the Rawlings’s government was working for or with the people. In 1986, a few years after the introduction of shea policy reforms,

“….. representatives of women from the three regions making up Ghana’s northern sector petitioned the government to make the shea economy the exclusive preserve of women” (Chalfin 2004:150).

“The resolution pointed out that the COCOBOD, the main buyer of the commodity, had given huge sums of money to agents who operate in a manner which did not favor women, who are the real producers…. The resolution observed that it is only the women who know the peculiar problems pertaining to the industry” (West Africa 1986)  

“Not only did this encounter give voice to women’s specific grievances but it also signaled the emergence of shea as a legitimate platform for northern political participation and recognition. ……… northern women’s protests may be considered a first step in the actualization of Rawlings’s agenda of constituency-building and political subject-formation, despite the criticisms of state practice they encoded” (Chalfin 2004:151).

Ghana shea industry

Shea, a non-timber forest product, earned its international recognition as a cocoa butter substitute in the 1960s. Since then, a number of African countries are active in the global shea industry. The shea tree (Vitellaria paradoxa) grows in the savannah belt of Africa covering 21 countries, extending from Senegal in West Africa all the way across Central Africa to Sudan in the East and as far as Ethiopia (Chalfin 2004; Naughton et al., 2015). The northern territories of Ghana are located in the savannah zone, where the shea industry is vibrant.

It is estimated that the industry supports, directly or indirectly, the livelihoods of over 2 million people in Ghana. About 1 million women are active in the shea industry either through wage employment or by picking shea nuts, the core of the shea fruits (Al-hassan 2015). Shea income accrues during the lean season and it is largely earned by women, a third of the household income comes from the sale of shea nuts (WFP 2010; WFP 2009).

Women gather shea nuts from communal parklands and/or privately-owned agricultural lands. They process shea nuts and either sell the kernels or process them further into shea butter which is sold locally and/or to market agents who export abroad. The shea kernels form the raw material for the shea industry. Processed shea nuts are the catalyst for the shea business; there is no shea butter without shea kernels.

For decades, shea butter has played a crucial role in the lives of the people in the semi-arid zones of Sub-Saharan Africa. Mungo Park, in the 1805 journal of his mission to the interior of Africa, reports that he used shea butter to maintain his pistols. Shea butter, a vegetable oil, is a commercial product as well as a household good. Locally, it is consumed as food, used as skin ointment due to its medicinal properties and hair pomade. Commercially, shea butter is sold to export companies for use in the cosmetic, pharmaceutical and confectionery industries. Mohammed & Al-hassan (2013) report that Ghana is among the largest producers of shea nuts, and shea butter export accounts for 25 per cent of the total national exports.

Currently, the main role of the international companies is to market shea commodities, and ensure smooth export of shea-kernels and butter abroad for further industrial processing. The buying companies work with market agents (male and female) who are the intermediaries between the companies and shea nuts and shea butter processors at community level.

Shea export policy

Recent studies of the Ghana shea industry show that the liberalization of the shea sector attracted private enterprises and many international companies. As a result of the integration of the shea crop into global commodity chains, there is increased commercialization and greater specialization among entrepreneurs, as well as intensified trading activities. Such changes could be credited to the removal of price regulations and buying restrictions in 1991. Moreover, the Ghana Export Promotion Council was tasked with promoting shea commodities, and the export of shea products doubled between 1998 and 2002 (Al-hassan, 2015). The state curtailed its role as a development actor and gave room to non-state actors to invest in the shea sector, with the perception that the indigenous shea traders would find ways to improve their lot in the new economic process and changing market conditions (Chalfin 1996). Remarkably, the above modifications moved the shea trade to a completely different economic niche, and positioned the northern regions of Ghana as sites for state and private-sector intervention. The transformations triggered various forms of support, from export companies, development agencies, including government and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), especially in entrepreneurship and innovation.

Entrepreneurship & innovation

Ghana is reported to have high levels of entrepreneurship, especially in the agricultural sector. Also, in the classification of levels of economic development, the country falls under the group of ‘factor-driven economies’ with a large agricultural sector and where the economy mainly relies on the extraction of natural resources (Amorós & Bosma 2014; Herrington & Kelley 2012). In fact, the market shifts in the shea sector, from local to global consumption of shea commodities, led to modifications in the methods of production, as well as enhanced entrepreneurial skills, knowledge and resources to meet the new market demands. There were linkages with foreign investors, and more men participating in the middle-levels of the shea trade. Additionally, there has been growth of groups and associations of shea entrepreneurs. Other changes include new production methods, the presence of foreign certification bodies, cooperatives as well as microcredit organizations that lend money to local groups of shea traders (Chalfin 1996; Al-hassan 2015).

However, it is argued that promoting rural development through policy measures such as liberalizing trade and commercializing local products does not in itself lead to inclusive development (Gupta et al. 2015). There exist fundamental institutional impediments that are external to neoliberal agendas, and that must be addressed for any market reform to succeed (Amponsah 2006). For instance, it is imperative for governments to develop good relationships with the private sector, and forge partnerships, as part of the development plan (Dietz et al. 2013).

Furthermore, the relationship between economic development and entrepreneurship is one that cannot be ignored. To engage in an entrepreneurial activity leads to employment for oneself and others, and in turn contributing to social value and economic development (Herrington & Kelley 2012). There are two types of entrepreneurship behaviour, namely, replicative and innovative entrepreneurship. The former relates to opportunity discovery where the entrepreneur concentrates on producing or selling a good or service already available through other sources; while the latter focuses on entrepreneurs who see an opportunity and engage in the production of new commodities using new methods of production. The developments within the Ghana shea sector offer a good example of both types of entrepreneurship behaviour (Yu & Yan 2014). Shea entrepreneurs in Ghana should create leverages, linkages and develop learning approaches in order to benefit from knowledge and expertise of foreign investors.

Entrepreneurship training

Interventions by local and international development agencies in Northern Ghana have improved shea production and household livelihoods. Some of the enhancements have been in the area of technology and innovation as well as entrepreneurial education and training programs offered to groups of shea producers. The interventions are largely financed by the donor community, either through bilateral agreements or NGOs social protection programs. The training ranges from quality production methods, leadership skills, to basic financial skills. Such trainings, many a times ad-hoc in nature, have been instrumental in enhancing the skills of the women shea producers in the Northern territories (Al-hassan 2015). This, despite certain limiting factors, such as low levels of education, marital status, income levels, that hamper shea processors from benefiting fully from the capacity building interventions. Moreover, the above socio-economic characteristics of women shea producers, as well as the type of technology or innovation being introduced, have a direct influence on their decision, either to adopt changes or not. Mohammed & Al-hassan, (2013) recommend training for shea entrepreneurs, who have no formal education, on how to use technological shea processing methods.

Given that the majority of the women active in the shea sector are illiterate, it remains crucial to implement adult literacy programs, which could enhance their participation in the shea trade. The 2000 GEM report states that for long-term economic prosperity, the participation of women in entrepreneurship should be increased, and in the case of the Ghana shea industry, the involvement of women is in line with that recommendation (Reynolds et al. 2000).

However, it is questionable if the approach used by the trainers is inclusive enough. One of the requirements before entrepreneurship training can be conducted is to establish a group of about 25 to 45 women shea producers from the same community. Such an approach by the trainers fits well within the domain of grassroots activism, whereby international and local NGOs organize shea producers in groups and thereafter offer training, improving their abilities, but also teaching shea processors how to work in a group instead of independently. The shea export companies are a good example of actors that are enhancing the capabilities of women shea producers, thus, building people power through offering on-the-job-training, especially on quality production methods.

Building people power

During my fieldwork in 2016, the women shea butter producers took great pleasure teaching me the differences between the improved conventional and the organic butter production methods. Not to mention their enthusiasm in disseminating their knowledge about leadership skills and financial management practices; in spite of their limited formal education. The entrepreneurship training offered by the various knowledge institutions, although ad-hoc in nature, has built people’s power, especially in the areas of quality shea production methods and networking skills. The availability and adoption of new technological methods, albeit semi-mechanized, in most cases, has lessened the strenuous work inherent in traditional methods of shea production.

The efforts towards ‘building people power’ is exemplified by the technological assistance and career development initiatives driven by the government in collaboration with various knowledge institutions. Capacity building initiatives have enabled women shea producers to expand their professional knowledge and networks, and introduced them to new markets. Furthermore, capacity building programs, have improved the skill sets of shea entrepreneurs and in turn building their power - the power to remain viable in a globalizing shea industry with new standards of production and certification measures, geared towards the export market.

Given the role played by the donor community in disseminating knowledge and expertise and enhancing market access, one may wonder if the activism is not driven by the NGOs that organize women in groups to train them so that they remain viable in the new shea industry.

Interestingly, although changes took place in the shea industry, today, the Ghana shea industry is still largely dominated by women and has to a large extent remained a ‘women’s business’. At shea butter processing centres, where some mechanized equipment are in use, the women shea butter producers form the majority of the workers in centres. Moreover, the centres adopt organograms that borrow a little from traditional shea butter processing management structures. The new management structure includes a secretary, treasurer and a board of directors, and magazia and vice-magazia (i.e., supervisors of women shea butter producers), the latter positions already existed in the traditional shea trade management system, way before the restructurings of the Ghana shea industry in 1980s.

As advocated by the Rawlings government, today men are active in the shea trade but they serve mostly as managers, secretaries and innovators as well as trainers, positions that require formal education. However, there are also women - a few - who own and manage shea butter processing centres, therefore competing with men in the industry.

Initially, the introduction of the shea export policy was met with individual and group protests against the modifications by the government (Chalfin 2004). However, given the commoditization and the increased international demand for shea products, one may question whether the policy measures were not driven externally, by market forces, rather than the needs of the citizens.

Conclusion

There was pressure springing from market forces inherent in international trade, and President Rawlings had to make that important call to men to assist their women. In so doing, the important role of women in the shea industry was acknowledged, but so were the existing gender divisions in the communities. It could be argued that the protests by the Northern women in the 1980s, gave a clear and sustained political voice to their grievances, and did bear results given their large numbers in the current shea industry.

But suffice it to say that their struggle continues, albeit of a different nature, namely to meet the requirements of international markets which many a times favour those with a formal education to the detriment of the less fortunate. Therefore, policy reforms need to be examined properly before implementation. Moreover, the means to achieving success in such reforms require a holistic approach, taken carefully and as part of longer term efforts to benefit future generations. The question then remains is: did the shea market shift – from local to global level - lead to entrepreneurial developments and ‘building people power’ in the Ghana shea industry? The answer is yes it did, but more needs to be done, especially in the area of adult literacy programs which could enhance the participation of women in the shea industry. Given the significant numbers of women involved in the shea industry, it can be concluded that protests can produce results, politically and socially as well as economically, as exemplified by the women shea entrepreneurs in the northern territories of Ghana.

* Alice Mapenzi Kubo is a PhD candidate at the African Studies Centre of the University of Leiden, The Netherlands. Her research focuses on the developments in the shea industry in Ghana and the implications for livelihoods in the country. Alice holds a MSc. in International Development Studies (cum laude) from the University of Amsterdam, and a B.A. in Business Administration in Tourism Management from NHTV Breda, The Netherlands.

Source: Pambazuka

Western Sahara:

Western Sahara: Fighting for freedom in Africa’s last colony

By Malainin Mohamed Lakhal

What does it mean to live under colonialism today? Despite numerous UN resolutions affirming the right to self-determination of the Saharawi people, Morocco with international support continues its illegal and atrocious occupation. From about the age of 14, Saharawi journalist and activist Malainin Lakhal has been fighting for his people’s liberation. In Nairobi this week, he told Pambazuka News editor Henry Makori his experience.

Pambazuka News: How can you describe the current situation in Western Sahara?

Malainin Lakhal: I think the best way to describe the situation in Western Sahara is that it really reflects what is happening in the United Nations, how weak the UN is. It really reflects how the international community has failed to impose its own laws, international legality and respect for the people’s right to self-determination. This is what is happening in Western Sahara.

We are a very clear issue in terms of legality, in terms of all the resolutions adopted by the UN and the African Union. It is a clear case of colonization. There is a people called Western Sahara. There is a colonial power called Morocco that is occupying that country and still the UN and the international community are unable to impose a solution which is clear: give the people the opportunity in a referendum to decide on self-determination. This is how all issues of decolonization were resolved. The people decide what they want to do with their fate, with their future, with their country.

Pambazuka News: When and how did you start your involvement in the liberation struggle in Western Sahara?

Malainin Lakhal: I found out about the situation in my country when I was a teenager of 14 or 15 years old. That was in the mid-1980s. I say I started founding out because back in the 1970s and the 1980s when I was a kid in school we did not have any information about what was going on in Western Sahara. It was a complete media, military and political siege imposed in the Saharawi occupied zone where I was born. In the newspapers or radio you could find nothing about what was going on. Back then it was war. People were being killed. Many people of my country disappeared for years. But there was no information.

In 1987 there was a big intifada [uprising] in the capital of Western Sahara Laayoune. I could understand that something was wrong. For example a lot of my senior friends in school disappeared; we are talking about hundreds. Suddenly in two days about 400 disappeared. They were arrested and put in secret detention camps in Laayoune. The families could not know where their children were. They couldn't ask about them. If you were a father or mother and you went to ask, you could be arrested too. So that was the atmosphere in the occupied zone then: A complete military, political siege; colonizing people by force.

In 1987, it was that big blow to my generation that awakened us to see that we were not Moroccans; we were not being treated as Moroccans. We were different. As kids we could see we were different. We spoke differently, we wore different clothes, we had a different culture, we had different families. And the other people were new in the country; they hated us. You could hear from the Moroccans that Western Sahara was a desert; there was nothing to do in it.

I started seeking information, understanding our history, the legal issues. There were a lot of issues that I did not know back then. The problem of my generation is that we were born amidst the conflict. So positions were already there. There was the armed struggle between the Saharawi liberation movement POLISARIO and Morocco. Our people, like my parents, couldn't speak. They couldn't tell us anything out of fear because if you spoke you could disappear. Many families in Western Sahara disappeared and were killed by the Moroccan army because they just expressed rejection of Moroccan presence, even without any active resistance, just speaking their minds.

Our generation did not get any information from the adults. We had to find it out ourselves, sometimes one small piece of information from the BBC, on the radio, that was big news and we spread it. So, our main aim was to get information and to spread it among our generation. That was done at a big risk because if the Moroccan authorities arrested you with a piece of newspaper or anything written on the issue you disappeared.

It was a tough time in the 1980s but also an eye-opening experience. I think my determination to fight against the Moroccan presence comes from that reality. I was a kid kept ignorant of my own history, the suffering of my own people for too long, 14 or 15 years. And when you get to know it you are disgusted; you get angry knowing that those people were imposing their ways on us. I couldn't accept that.

Pambazuka News: Once you discovered the reality of living under occupation, what did you do beyond getting angry? Did you get into some movement, into some action?

Malainin Lakhal: Yeah. The first thing that I did with a few of my friends was to seek information, try to understand to be able to defend ourselves and then spread the information, secretly of course, among other Saharawi students. In the late ‘80s we started organizing ourselves in secret student organizations, for example using lots of graffiti to raise awareness about events; not raising awareness among the older generation because those ones lived through the Moroccan invasion and knew what was going on.

We were telling our generation: you are Saharawis, not Moroccans; you are colonized. We were using the walls of institutions, schools as a newspaper to raise awareness among the population. And that drove the Moroccans crazy. They were always trying to paint over what we were writing. But that also helped to give our students movement popularity. People were eager to read what we wrote and tried to find out any new graffiti.

Later when I joined university in Agadir in Morocco in 1989 I had access to more information because there were many student organizations active from the ‘60s and ‘70s and some of them were in favour of the Saharawi struggle. Those organizations, particularly those with leftist tendencies, provided me and my friends with a lot of books which I couldn't find inside Western Sahara. One of the things we did at university was to reproduce the information. It was in the ‘80s and we did not have the Internet. Sometimes we had to write articles by hand and make like 20 or 30 copies to distribute like tracts.

There were a lot activities to raise awareness, but we did not as students opt for violent resistance because our understanding was that we had an armed liberation movement, POLISARIO, which was entitled to engage in armed struggle against Morocco. As civilian students, we had other means. Knowledge was the main weapon we used. That experience influenced my current activities: I write, I try to spread the word.

Pambazuka News: Did you ever get into trouble with the Moroccan authorities while doing these things, spreading the word about the occupation?

Malainin Lakhal: Of course. The first time I was arrested was on 4 January 1992 when Moroccan political police found out about my involvement in one of the secret student organisations. I was arrested with five or six other students. It was not really an arrest but a kidnapping. They arrest you in the middle of the night from your house or wherever. They don't give any information to your family about your arrest and if the family has the courage or contacts to ask, they will say: No we don't have this guy. We don't know what happened to him.

That was my first experience of arrest. I was held for about two months. No charge, nothing. Right from day one they took me to the police station and tortured me, beatings, no questions. Their purpose was to scare you and break you. But in my activism we had read a lot about these experiences and we had prepared ourselves for possible arrest and torture. Basically I was aware of their tactics – how they try to scare you, to make you despise yourself by treating you as an animal. Many detainees were sexually abused. It is not something you want to talk about.

Whenever anything happened after 1992, even if I was not in the city in Laayoune, I would be arrested for hours and they would tried to find out if I knew what had happened in this or that place. They would ask about who was funding us, because they were thinking that we were receiving money. They didn't understand that you do not need money to defend your country. You don't.

Pambazuka News: So you became a marked man wherever you were?

Yes. But I was not the only one. Most Saharawis who show resistance or who had an opinion were marked. We are talking about the ‘90s. I was lucky because I was arrested in ’92 when the UN mission was already a few months there. I was arrested among about a hundred students and other young Saharawis. So, they couldn't hide that, one hundred people disappearing. POLISARIO then refused to cooperate with the UN mission, saying we can’t continue the peace process while Morocco engages in such repression. So I was lucky. They began to release us in groups.

I was lucky because if it had been in the ‘80s …. like I told you in 1987, 400 people disappeared, 72 of them held for four years in terrible conditions: imagine four years blindfolded, always with handcuffs behind their back, thrown to the ground without any blanket, eating dirty food with sand; imagine women for four years they couldn't change their underwear, they couldn't change their clothes. The experience of Saharawi prisoners in the ‘70s and ‘80s was really, really terrible. You can’t describe it.

Pambazuka News: As a journalist what do you think of media coverage outside Western Sahara of the Saharawi struggle, about these terrible conditions over the years?

Malainin Lakhal: I don't think there is any serious coverage of the issue of Western Sahara in the international media, especially not in the mainstream media. Those ones are controlled by the West, controlled by France, Saudi Arabia, by the friends of Morocco. One thing that people may not know or ignore is that these dictatorships, these colonial regimes, defend each other. So you will never read anything negative about Morocco in French media; or if you do it will be very light criticism of Morocco or because they can’t hide it any more. You will never read anything against Morocco in the Arab world. In Africa, we don't really have very strong media, media that can shape public opinion.

We are an African issue. We should have the support of all African people, all intellectuals in Africa. Our struggle is similar to the struggle of apartheid South Africa or the struggle of all African nations that were under colonization. We still live in this condition that ended in Africa in the ‘50s and ‘60s. We are still there.

And the Western media, as a journalist, I always compare them to vampires. They only follow blood. They are not interested in any just cause if there is no bloodshed, or if it doesn't serve their interest; the interest of money because in the end they are all companies and not there just to inform you and me or the people, no, no. They defend the interest of the money that stands behind them. I can say that about all the media in the West.

Pambazuka News: You mentioned this earlier, but you can give a bit of detail. The Moroccan occupation is a violation of international law. Numerous UN resolutions affirm the right to self-determination of the Saharawi people. Why, do you think, the UN or, if you like, the international community, has failed to enforce its own resolutions?

Malainin Lakhal: Well, as I said in the beginning, what is happening in Western Sahara is failure of the international system to respect its own laws. Morocco is getting away with it because it is supported by a permanent member state of the UN Security Council. So, if anyone tries to impose resolutions that are very clear to everyone, France will use its veto power. That is how it is. They have used the veto many times to violate international legality. This is why in Western Sahara we understand that our fight is, in fact, against the French. The French government which supports this illegal occupation of Western Sahara is our real enemy.

By the way, it is not only our enemy; it is the enemy of all African nations. The French government impedes the freedom and development of Western Sahara. Everyone knows that Paris controls many African countries and politicians who defend France instead of defending the interests of their own people. This is our problem. We are fighting against a corrupted system; we are fighting a kingdom that is skilled in corrupting people, because Morocco is number one in corrupting people. If you read French books you will find out how Moroccan kings and politicians have bought French support.

Pambazuka News: How can you describe (a) Saharawi women’s suffering under occupation and (b) their own involvement in the liberation struggle?

Malainin Lakhal: The Saharawi woman, like in many African countries, is a very influential member of society. She is independent, participates in the family and social life. The goal of the POLISARIO movement was to unify all Saharawis under one banner, which is to liberate the country. Second, is to liberate and empower women and youth to take over because the older generation was ignorant, having had no access to education. Their participation was limited to the armed struggle. The liberation struggle raised the rates of education and the Saharawi woman has always been part of the struggle. In the refugee camps they have built everything. They participate in the political activities; they hold political positions like the men. In the occupied zone they are involved in the struggle: in demonstrations, a lot of the activists who are arrested are women and girls.

Like in many struggles, the Moroccan authorities use sexual violence against women activists to stop their resistance. We hear a lot about rape, sexual torture to scare the women. We have a lot of Saharawi women prisoners and those who have disappeared. We have many women who are arrested, even when they are pregnant. Sometimes they lose their unborn babies. There is a lot of suffering. The use of sexual abuse as a weapon against activists is really a crime against humanity, in my view. And they get away with it. We have never heard of any Moroccan policeman or official who was arrested or charged with these crimes, even though we have victims and witnesses who tell these stories.

Pambazuka News: A lot of Saharawi people were born during the occupation. You have given me your own experience that growing up you did not have much information about the oppression under Moroccan colonialism. Has the situation changed now? How do young people, especially, learn about the struggle and get involved?

Malainin Lakhal: From the ‘90s there was a big revolution in knowledge and awareness among the young generation about the issues, not only because of what we did but also with the revolution in the media and information technologies. The first Saharawi website was created in 1999, and from then anyone with Internet connection could find information. The POLISARIO front has a very good radio service broadcasting in North Africa and reaching even France and Spain. The Saharawi national radio also plays a huge role in educating the people. But it is the Internet that has brought real change in the ways the new generation gets to understand issues.

Pambazuka News: Morocco was re-admitted to the African Union in January, and of course Western Sahara is a founding member of the continental body. Do you think the AU is doing enough for Western Sahara? Are there things that could perhaps be done better?

Malainin Lakhal: First of all, the admission of Morocco to the African Union was a big mistake. I have said this many times and I say it again. I think that a few coming years will prove me right. You do not admit a cancer into your own weak body. This is how I explain it. Morocco is a cancer. The Moroccan regime is a colonial power. It is not and should not be seen as an African government, no, no. It is not.

It is a monarchy that has problems with all its neighbours. It tried to invade Algeria in 1961. It has problems with Western Sahara, which it invaded in 1975. It has problems with Mauritania, refusing to recognize Mauritanian independence for nine years, 1961-69. It only recognized Mauritania because Mauritania joined the Moroccan colonial adventure in Western Sahara. This is the system we are talking about, a system that is far from all our African principles and goals. It doesn't care about Africa. Morocco left the OAU in 1984 because it was angry with the positions that the union adopted. That is not someone with whom you can have a conversation. I think that the African Union will experience a lot of problems with Morocco in a few years, now that it is back in the AU.

Number two, the OAU/AU did a lot for Western Sahara. The union’s involvement in the dispute goes back to the ‘60s. Back then Africans were the only nations, of course besides other revolutionary regimes, who championed the independence of all African people from all foreign invasions while Western Sahara was colonized by Spain. So it was clear: Spain was a foreigner and Saharawis were African people who should get their independence. Even Morocco in the ‘60s was always defending the independence of Western Sahara. It was only in the ‘70s when the Moroccan king, for many reasons, changed the position and decided to invade Western Sahara to save his kingdom from a military coup. The OAU recognized Western Sahara, it recognized their fight and their government.

The AU should do more since this is an African issue. But the AU faces a lot of problems in imposing its own resolutions, not only in Western Sahara. In many issues when the West is against an African position it is impossible to impose action on the United States or France.

As Saharawis we should reach out to as much African support as possible. I can give you an example. Senegal supports the colonization of Western Sahara. They support Morocco. But this is against the AU principles. It is because Senegal - the government not the people - is under the influence of France. The Senegalese people, the intellectuals, the youth should say no, we cannot support a government that supports colonialism in Africa. We need more involvement, more activism in Africa, not only in favour of Western Sahara but in support of many African issues.

Pambazuka News: Perhaps any final thoughts?

Malainin Lakhal: The issue of Western Sahara should be understood not just as a Saharawi issue. It is not only an African issue, either. It is a case where people’s rights are violated, no matter who these people are. Now it is Western Sahara, tomorrow it can be another people. If all Africans, all people, turn a blind eye to this, tomorrow when they face similar violations no one will care.

We have a very famous Arab fable. There were three bulls in a jungle, one white, another black and the other red. A lion wanted to eat them all, but he couldn't because they were united and strong. So he started dividing them, saying to the white bull: How about you helping me to eat the red bull and you will be my friend? The white bull said, Ok you eat him. In the end there was only one bull left.

The lion is the West. He has eaten us one after another and we are laughing. Where is Gaddafi? What is happening? How could we accept that France comes to Ivory Coast and arrests former President Laurent Gbagbo, whatever the reason? This is an insult to Africans that the West can come to Africa and play the policeman freely. This is what is happening in Western Sahara. A lot of people think that it is not their problem. But it is.

Tory lead over Labour shrinking fast

Theresa May

The Conservative lead over Labour has fallen into single digits, polls show, prompting cabinet ministers to warn that victory is not assured with less than three weeks to go before the general election on June 8.

Some early polls had the Tories at almost double the vote share of the Labour Party, indicating that the most likely outcome would be a landslide victory that would increase the Conservatives’ current working majority of 17 in the House of Commons.

A series of recent polls show the Tories’ lead over Labour is shrinking, however. A Survation poll for ITV on Monday gave the Tories a nine-point lead, putting the Conservatives on 43 percent, ahead of Labour on 34 percent. The lead, according to Survation, has now halved from 18 percent in just a week.

A Sunday Times YouGov poll also saw Tory numbers dwindling, putting them down five points at 44 percent, and Labour up four points at 35 points, the closest gap since last year.

The poll shock came as ministers privately expressed fears that Prime Minister Theresa May’s plans to reform the care sector and means-test the winter fuel allowance would cost them seats.

According to the YouGov poll, the Tories have lost five points since announcing that more pensioners will have to pay for care at home and only £100,000 (US$130,000) of a pensioner’s wealth will be protected from care costs.

An MP told the Times that May should “quickly change the subject from the manifesto - a lot of which is a kick in the teeth for voters.”

 “We need to get off care and pensioner benefits and start talking about the calamity of Corbyn again,” he added.

Another minister close to Downing Street told the newspaper that the Tories are deploying resources poorly.

“They’re getting carried away with all of this talk of a landslide, sending people to places we are never going to win. We need to make sure we get the seats we can get.”

Brexit secretary David Davis warned of complacency, saying: “You always have to remember, we only have to lose half a dozen seats and we’re in trouble. The poll margin looks big but the start margin is mildly hazardous.

According to the Telegraph, May herself warned on Sunday: “If I lose just six seats, I will lose this election.”

The Tory manifesto has a markedly different tone from Labour’s, which promises a program of mass nationalization, more spending on the NHS, the abolition of tuition fees and zero-hour contracts, higher taxes for the country’s rich and an end to the public sector pay gap.

Corbyn pledged a “radical and responsible” offer to voters, saying the party “would change our country while managing within our means.”

Corbynistas already planning Labour’s victory party as Tory lead narrows again

Jeremy Corbyn, the leader of Britain's opposition Labour Party

Thousands of Facebook users say they will flock to the Red Lion pub in Westminster the day after the general election to celebrate the victory of Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn.

In anticipation of victory, the left-wing leader’s fans have already set up an event on Facebook, which has seized the interest of thousands of supporters.

The event is being organized by the Grand Marshal Corbyn’s Patriotic Meme Collective – a group which posts pictures in support of Corbyn to encourage young people to vote.

The group has confirmed the event, announcing in its description: “Comrades! Compatriots! Followers of the cause! Come far and wide to join us. We’re having a real Jeremy Corbyn victory party to toast our success!

“As the pub will no doubt be full, bring cans to share, red flags, and any thing like, say, a mobile sound system, so any overspill can become an opportunity.”

It also urged fans to bring the caffeine-mixed Buckfast wine, known for the explosive levels of intoxication it induces.

The attendance list continues to grow despite Labour lagging behind the Tories by 15 points in the most recent poll.

According to an IPSOS Mori poll, published by the Evening Standard, Prime Minister Theresa May’s Conservative Party are at 49 percent, while the Labour Party has gained eight points, growing to 34 percent, its highest poll rating so far in its campaign.

The data comes after Labour launched its election manifesto, which included proposals for the renationalization of the railways, scrapping of university tuition fees, more money for the National Health Service (NHS), and tax increases for the richest.

Following the latest poll, the gap between the Tories and Labour seems to have narrowed considerably, considering Corbyn’s party was trailing behind the Conservatives by 23 points when May first announced the snap election at the beginning of last month.

According to the Times, the poll suggested people would rather have Labour care for the NHS, schools and housing, but the Tories win support when it comes to immigration, employment, and the economy.

Many pundits believe Labour will suffer at the ballot box because of Corbyn’s perceived shortcomings as leader.

"Labour shouldn’t get too carried away by the rise they see in the polls," Gideon Skinner, head of political polling at Ipsos MORI, told the Evening Standard.

“The focus on their manifesto may have helped them this week, but on many fundamentals such as leadership the public still puts them a long way behind the Conservatives, and their vote is much softer, with one in six of their supporters considering voting for Theresa May’s party.”

Mau Mau Uprising (1952-1960) 

By Ali Bilow

The Mau Mau Uprising, a revolt against colonial rule in Kenya, lasted from 1952 through 1960 and helped to hasten Kenya’s independence. Issues like the expulsion of Kikuyu tenants from settler farms, loss of land to white settlers, poverty, and lack of true political representation for Africans provided the impetus for the revolt. During the eight-year uprising, 32 white settlers and about 200 British police and army soldiers were killed.  Over 1,800 African civilians were killed and some put the number of Mau Mau rebels killed at around 20,000. Although the Uprising was directed primarily against British colonial forces and the white settler community, much of the violence took place between rebel and loyalist Africans. Thus the uprising often had the appearance of a civil war with atrocities on both sides.

The uprising, which involved mostly Kikuyu people, the largest ethnic group in the colony, began to take shape when more radical Kikuyu militants were invited in to the nationalist KAU (Kenya African Union). Called Muhimu, these activists replaced a more moderate, constitutional agenda with a militant one. The Muhimu began widespread Kikuyu oathing, often through intimidation and threats. Traditional oathing ceremonies were believed to bind people to the cause, with dire consequences like death resulting on the breaking of such oaths. The British responded with de-oathing ceremonies.  Additionally, the Muhimu attacked loyalists and white settlers.

Although the exact origins of the conflict are in dispute, the war officially began in October 1952 when an emergency was declared and British troops were sent to Kenya.  The British response to the uprising entailed massive round-ups of suspected Mau Mau and supporters, with large numbers of people hanged and up to 150,000 Kikuyu held in detention camps.

Many Mau Mau rebels and armies based themselves in forest areas of Mt. Kenya and Aberdares. Urban militants, however, waged the struggle in Nairobi and other Kenyan cities. The largest single massacre of the uprising took place in Lari on March 26, 1953, with attacks by Mau Mau on loyalist Home Guard families.  Approximately 74 people were killed and about 50 wounded.  The massacre generated retaliatory attacks by Home Guard, settler, and colonial forces. The initial massacre and retaliatory attacks resulted in the deaths of around 400 people, although there is no official number and the reality of people killed may have been much higher. The Lari Massacre was a turning point in the Uprising where many Kikuyu were forced to choose sides in this resistance struggle.

Mau Mau forest armies were largely broken by 1957 and in 1960 the emergency was declared over. Following the rebellion, the British government did implement reforms.  Three years later, in 1963, Kenya received its independence from Great Britain.  One of the alleged Mau Mau leaders, Jomo Kenyatta, became the first president of the new nation.

Historians, social commentators, and surviving resistance leaders continue to debate the role of the Mau Mau in gaining Kenyan independence.  Many survivors on both sides of the conflict see themselves as participants in the independence campaign.  Moreover, in 2006, former Mau Mau fighters launched legal action against the British government under claims of mistreatment in detention camps.

USA AND IRAN:

Trump looking to form Arab NATO against Iran

Donald Trump

US President Donald Trump is trying his best to form the Arab equivalence of the NATO military alliance to confront Iran in the Middle East, says a political analyst in Washington.

James Jatras, a former Senate foreign policy adviser, made the remarks while discussing Trump’s upcoming Middle East tour which involves stops in Saudi Arabia, Israel and Vatican respectively.

US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson said last week that the visit was aimed at getting Saudi Arabia and other Arab nations in the region to stand in “unity” with Israel and confront Iran.

Tillerson also said that Trump had purposely chosen the three destinations for his first foreign trip because they represented Islam, Judaism and Christianity.

According to the top US diplomat, Trump wanted to “bring a message of unity” among the followers of the three religions against terror.

In an interview with Press TV on Wednesday, Jatras said the Saudi monarchs were known supporters of extremism and Trump’s claims were just a cover.

“Anybody who can characterize the Saudi monarchy and the Wahhabi establishment as peaceful and tolerant in any sense is absolutely surreal,” he said.

“As we know Saudi Arabia is the world’s foremost supporter of terrorist groups,” the analyst noted, referring to the Riyadh regime’s military aggression against Yemen as well as its funding of terror groups wreaking havoc in Syria.

He said Trump and his advisers were hard at work unite Arab countries against Iran.

“Reportedly he will announce the formation of something characterized as an Arab NATO, which is designed to counter specifically Iran,” he explained.

He said most the actions that Trump has undertaken over the past weeks were forced upon him by his critics.

Pointing to recent calls for Trump’s impeachment, Jatras argued that the pressure was growing on the president to “adopt the belligerent policies of his critics.”

For example, Trump’s critics began praising him after his last month attack against a Syrian airbase, Jatras said.

“I hope he does not go further down this road, but it appears that he might,” he concluded.