Showing posts with label International Criminal Court. Show all posts
Showing posts with label International Criminal Court. Show all posts

Tuesday, 29 November 2016

Greenstreet: He Lashes at NDC and NPP

Ivor Greenstreet, CPP Presidential Candidate
Presidential candidate for the Convention People Party (CPP), Ivor Greenstreet, has criticised both the National Democratic Congress (NDC) and New Patriotic Party (NPP) for failing to provide safe drinking water for the people of Salaga Constituency.

He said it was unfortunate that for more than two decades, governments of the two main political parties have failed to provide the basic social need for residents of the Northern Region constituency.

“For 24 years, NDC and NPP have made us slaves. Because for 24 years how is it possible that in this your area here you have no water at all?,” he asked supporters of his party at rally in the Northern Region town.

Ivor Greenstreet is on tour of the region and was speaking at Kuwani, a community in the Salaga Constituency.

He said it was wrong that residents of Kuwani, for instance, have to travel long distances to get clean drinking water.

He pledged that a CPP government would ensure all communities in the country have access to clean and safe water.

Editorial
CONGRATULATIONS
The Insight unhesitantly commends the University of Ghana for being adjudged the best University in West Africa.

According to Professor Ebenezer Oduro Owusu, the Vice Chancellor of the University, its strongest pillar this year was research.

This is happy news and we want to believe that Ghana’s Premier University is busily looking for solutions to the numerous problems confronting our people.

The University of Ghana has undoubtedly made Ghana proud by its achievement.

Our prayer is that the research findings by the University should be put to good use in order to solve the problems of the people.

Well done, University of Ghana.

The ICC is fit for the Waste Basket

Chief Prosecutor at the ICC, Fatou Bensaouda
The International Criminal Court in The Hague has equated Russia's reunification with the Crimea to a military action, in which Russia appeared as an aggressor.

The report from ICC Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda, in particular, said: "According to the information received, the situation in the Crimea and Sevastopol is equivalent to an international armed conflict between Ukraine and the Russian Federation. The given international armed conflict started not later than on February 26, when the Russian Federation involved its armed forces to gain control over parts of the territory of Ukraine without the consent from the government of Ukraine. "

The first question that arises in connection with the "military conflict" - were there any shootings, explosions or tanks involved? If there was a military action in the Crimea, was there any landmark battle, like, for example, the battle for Sevastopol, the siege of Koktebel, Yalta or anything else?

The second question that one may ask themselves in this connection is as follows. If the events in the Crimea were an act of military confrontation, what is happening in the Donbas then? Why doesn't the ICC give its assessment to the conflict in the Donbas, even though the number of victims continues growing there like in a full-fledged military conflict? Does the International Criminal Court believe that the conflict in the Donbas is an "anti-terrorist operation" as the Ukrainian authorities put it?

These are narrow-minded questions, of course. Legal aspects of the recent move of the ICC are much more interesting. Here is what the head of Pravda.Ru Internet Media Holding Vadim Gorshenin has to say on the subject: Interestingly, the investigation is conducted at the request of the government of Ukraine, even though Ukraine, just like Russia, has not ratified the status of the ICC. Moreover, the Constitutional Court of Ukraine recognized the statute of the International Criminal Court as an institution inconsistent with the Constitution of Ukraine.

Curiously, the sitting Ukrainian authorities do not even intend to ratify the agreement on the accession to the International Criminal Court, because in this case the ICC would be able to initiate and conduct investigations into the war crimes that the Kiev authorities commit in the Donbas.

The most recent decision from the ICC does not surprise Russia in light of the current anti-Russian hysteria. Yet, the decision poses the question of "two chairs" for Ukraine. Ukraine will have to recognize the jurisdiction of the ICC if the country wants to give this decision a legal status. Otherwise, it does not mean anything. Does Ukraine want the ICC to look into the killings of women and children in the Donbas?

The Ukrainian Armed Forces commit acts of terrorism in the Donbas. Noteworthy, the new US administration may forget about Ukraine once and for all, if the ICC finds that the Kiev government commits war crimes against its own citizens in the south-east of the country. The USA does not negotiate with terrorists. Previous US administrations were very good at breaking this rule, but the new America would probably want to take full advantage of it.
Polionline

AFRICAN EXODUS FROM ICC MUST BE STOPPED- KOFI ANNAN
Kofi Annan, an enemy of Africa and secret agent of the West!
The apparent African exodus from the international criminal court must be stopped or the most heinous crimes will be allowed to go unpunished, Kofi Annan, the former UN secretary general and one of the ICC’s chief architects, has warned.

Burundi, Gambia and South Africa said this year they would no longer recognise the court’s jurisdiction and announced their intention to quit. They claim the ICC disproportionately targets African leaders. Nine of the 10 cases taken by the court have involved former African rulers.

State impunity is back in fashion – we need the international court more than ever
Annan’s intervention is designed to influence the annual meeting of the Assembly of States Parties, whose members are signatories to the ICC. He warned the actions of the three African countries risked giving the false impression the entire continent was hostile to the court.

Annan was pivotal to the court’s creation when he was UN secretary general, hosting the inaugural conference in Rome in 1998.

Writing in the Guardian, he says: “Most of the continent’s democratic governments stand by the ICC. I stand by the ICC, because the most heinous crimes must not go unpunished.”

He says Africa “was [the court’s] most enthusiastic supporter” at the ICC’s inception. “Memories of the horrors of the Rwandan genocide were still fresh in our minds. In fact, the first signatory of the treaty was an African country, Senegal. Africa remains the single largest regional bloc, with 34 states party to the Rome statute out of 124,” he writes.

Annan said the focus of the ICC’s work in Africa did not indicate any bias but rather Africa’s willingness to refer cases to it. “Of the nine investigations on the African continent, eight were requested by African states. Six African states referred their own situation to the ICC, and African states voted in support of the UN security council referrals on Darfur and Libya,” he writes.

“Kenya was the only case in Africa opened independently by the court, but it enjoyed the enthusiastic support of a majority of Kenyans. They wanted justice for the 1,300 people killed and hundreds of thousands displaced in election-related violence.”

Annan said Africa was not the sole subject of international justice, pointing out that criminal tribunals were first set up after the second world war, at Nuremberg and Tokyo. After the cold war, more international or mixed tribunals were launched for crimes in Lebanon, Cambodia and Yugoslavia. The ICC has opened investigations in Georgia and is conducting preliminary examinations in Afghanistan, Columbia, Ukraine, Iraq and Palestine.

He said the “ICC remains the continent’s most credible court of last resort for the most serious crimes … [It] does not supplant national jurisdictions; it only intervenes in cases where the country concerned is either unable or unwilling to try its own citizens.”

University Of Ghana Is West Africa's Best
Prof. Ebenezer Owusu
By Iddi Yire
The University of Ghana (UG) is the highest ranked university in West Africa and the seventh in Africa.

Professor Ebenezer Oduro Owusu, the Vice Chancellor of the University, said the 2016 Times Higher Education World Rankings once again placed the UG ahead of its peers in Ghana and West Africa.

"The UG was ranked in the fifth decile of this year's ranking; and our strongest pillar this year was research.

"This is definitely a great achievement, given that we were ranked in the fourth decile in 2015, with our strongest pillar that year being international outlook," Prof Oduro Owusu stated at the November Congregation of the University.
This Congregation covers the second batch of students, who completed their programmes of study in the 2015/2016 Academic year; the first batch having graduated in July this year.
"It is worthy of note that our efforts at becoming a world class research intensive university is well on its way," he said.

He said the enviable feat chalked by the UG could not have been achieved without the concerted efforts of the staff, students and stakeholders of the University.

The Vice Chancellor said he was grateful and confident that with the establishment of their Strategic Teams and with the continued support of all and sundry, their rankings would soar at both the continental and international levels.

The Strategic Teams include: Institutional Advancement Team, Agriculture Centres Commercialization Committee, UG Rebranding and Marketing Team, and the Medical and Dental School Expansion Team.

The rest are UG Regional/World Ranking Team, Vice Chancellor Green Team, Independent Power Supply Team and the Laboratory Modernisation Team.
The Strategic Teams have been charged with the responsibility to position UG as a "Go to University".

Prof Oduro Owusu, in his report to the congregation, said the security situation on the University campus had witnessed tremendous improvement.
He said the University had also put together a strategic document to combat security challenges on its other campus; declaring that, "A major constraint, however, has been the fact that the security office was greatly understaffed.

He said the Management was, however, working assiduously to find avenues to improve the current staffing situation.

"We have also organised face-to-face discussions to educate students on the need to be security conscious.

"The goal is to create individual and ultimately a holistic awareness of the necessity to be security conscious on campus," he said.

"Let me take this opportunity to thank the Regional and District Police Command as well as National Security for beefing up our security efforts, volunteering security briefs, and helping maintain law and order on campus," he stated.

He urged the graduating students to understand that education was expected to continue beyond the walls of the lecture hall into the community and work place and into adulthood.

"As you enter the job market, I urge you to continue to improve upon these critical skills,” he advised. “Remember that it is a competitive world and to be in the lead, you need to always strive to make a difference; just a one degree shift from the norm and you will be in the lead."

The congregation for the undergraduate students of the College of Humanities was held at the Great Hall, while that of its graduate students was held at the R. S. Amegashi Auditorium simultaneously.

The Vice Chancellor delivered his speech at the Great Hall, while the Pro-Vice Chancellor Prof. Samuel K. Offei delivered it on his behalf at the Amegashie Auditorium.
A total of 300 graduate students from the College of Humanities graduated, of which Mrs Linda Asante Agyei, an editor with the Ghana News Agency, graduated with a Master of Arts in Public Affairs.
GNA

MALARIA 

The world’s first malaria vaccine immunization campaign is to commence in 2018 and funds for the phase one of the pilot deployment of the vaccine in Sub Saharan Africa had been secured.

A release by the World Health Organisation (WHO) said the assurance comes after the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria had approved 15 million dollars for the malaria vaccine pilot, assuring full funding for the first phase of the programme.
The vaccine, known as Mosquirix or RTS,S and developed by the British drugmaker GlaxoSmithKline, is only partially effective and needs to be given in a four-dose schedule.

It was developed in partnership with the non-profit PATH Malaria Vaccine Initiative and part-funded by the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation.

The WHO said while the new vaccine was promising it should be deployed only on a pilot basis before any wide-scale use was given its limited efficacy.

Pedro Alonso, the Director of the WHO’s Global Malaria Programme, said: “Securing funding and being able to trial the vaccine in Africa would be a milestone in the fight against malaria.

“These pilot projects will provide the evidence we need from real-life settings to make informed decisions on whether to deploy the vaccine on a wide scale”.

Earlier this year, the GAVI Vaccine Alliance and UNITAID announced commitments of up to 27.5 million dollars and 9.6 million dollars respectively for the first four years of the programme.

Malaria infects around 200 million people a year worldwide and killed an estimated 440,000 in 2015. The vast majority of malaria deaths are among babies in sub-Saharan Africa.

Guilty By Suspicion: SA Finance Minister’s High Noon Moment
Parvin Gordan
By Dhiru Soni
Minister Pravin Gordhan is a man of unshakeable will – one of the very few people within ANC family whose integrity is untouched - and sincerely believes that as a public servant he is obligated to fight for the soul of the nation.

Given the continuous drama and debates about ‘state capture’ South Africa has been treated to over the last few months, I reminisced about watching a movie some four score and five years ago, a western at that, in one of my famous childhood movie houses in Durban called The Royal. The movie was titled High Noon and was produced by Stanley Kramer, directed by Fred Zinnemann and starred Gary Cooper. Basically the film tells the story of a town marshal forced to confront a gang of killers by himself. The similarity between the movie and the current South African ‘state capture’ saga is that in both instances the fate of innocent people is dependent on the outcome of a battle between good and evil.

Besides its historical significance, High Noon is a heroic struggle for justice against the backdrop of crime, hatred and retribution. It is one of the best westerns ever made. Although the storyline of the movie is quite simple, it has deep underlying symbolisms. The marshal of a small rural town (Hadleyville) in the movie represents the righteous man who is willing to stand up to the wrongdoers. The story is universal and has enduring relevance. Even in South Africa, to boot.   

In juxtaposing the position of Marshal Will Kane against the heroic stand taken by Minister of Finance, Pravin Gordhan, in our own drama of State Capture, I am fondly reminded of the historical significance of High Noon and the compelling story of personal courage in the face of overwhelming odds.

In South Africa, the political narrative leading to the corresponding poignant moment of the movie High Noon, the marshal is represented by Pravin Gordhan - the righteous man who is willing to stand up to wrongdoers. The wrongdoers are represented by all those who are allegedly involved in the process of ‘state capture’, draft and corruption – many of them from the ‘house of cards’ are his former comrades, led by narcissistic leaders and psychopaths parading as legitimate and progressive representatives of the people of South Africa. A far cry from the likes of Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu, Ahmed Kathrada and Govan Mbeki who literally sacrificed their lives for our freedom. The new hombres, some of whom have been caught with their proverbial hands in the cookie jar have summoned Marshal Gordhan to a momentous confrontation for ‘attempting to run the country properly’ – to borrow the words from Zapiro’s most recent hilarious cartoon.

The majority of these selectmen who pretend to be Marshal Gordhan’s amigos are his ‘comrades’ from days gone by, especially when it was politically correct to fight for freedom and the overthrow of a pernicious system called Apartheid. To add salt to Marshal Gordhan’s wounds, his adversaries are political brethren from within the ANC family. They pretend to be the upholders of the law and view Marshal Gordhan as the arch villain – someone, whom they consider a spoilsport that did not play along with their game of dice called ‘Let’s Loot the Nation’s Purse’.

Marshall Gordhan is resolute and is not deterred by their veiled and unsubstantiated threats. After spending months in attempting to frame a propped-up-charge, these namby-pamby individuals have through sinister motives found Marshal Gordhan guilty by suspicion of re-hiring a former employee of the Treasury on a contractual basis. Indeed, the act of framing a nebulous charge against a trusted comrade is in itself a serious problematic. It gives credence to an old saying – “weak men cannot handle power. It will either crush them, or they will use it to crush others”. 
   
Similar to Marshal Will Kane in the movie, Minister Pravin Gordhan is a man of unshakeable will – one of the very few people within ANC family whose integrity is untouched - and sincerely believes that as a public servant he is obligated to fight for the soul of the nation. He wants his day in High Noon.

In the movie, the majority of the townsfolk for fear of retribution from the outlaws decide to do nothing in the face of evil. In a similar fashion the majority of Marshal Gordhan’s ‘amigos’ have decided to do nothing to protect their comrade.  Some of the ‘amigos’ claim that the ‘fight’ between Marshal Gordhan and his persecutors is a personal matter and that he is ‘not above the law’. The critical question is whose law? It would seem that many of his so-called amigos are failing to protect Marshal Gordhan because they are extremely vulnerable in a system where coercion dictates their futures. They use selfish and shortsighted rationalisations to avoid confronting the ‘gangsters’ within government.

In recent weeks, however, senior members of the ANC family have decided that in the interest of the future of the country they have to make a stand against the perpetrators of scandalous crimes against the state - notable amongst these have been Trevor Manuel, Cyril Ramaphosa, Jackson Mthembu, Enoch Godongwana, Joe Phaahla, Max Sisulu and Derek Hanekom. Former colleagues and members of the judiciary and the legal profession have also joined the chorus in supporting Marshal Gordhan because they believe that the evidence against him is exculpatory.   

Finally, there are lessons to be drawn from the movie High Noon. In the first instant Marshal Will Kane stays true to his principles even though it means that he must face adversity alone, outnumbered and risking death in the process. Despite the betrayals of the townsfolk of Hadleyville, he succeeds.  Secondly, the principle that all that is necessary for evil to triumph is for good men and women to do nothing. The town had the good fortune to have a Marshal with the integrity of Will Kane. We have Pravin Gordhan. It is time for the silent majority to rise for a noble cause.  Patriotism towards our beloved land demands it.  

* Professor Dhiru Soni is an academic, researcher and policy analyst and writes in his personal capacity.

How To Boost Local Participation In Ghana’s Oil And Gas Sector
FPSO Prof Atta Mills swallows barrels oil from Ghana's oil fields for foreigners
By Godwin Akweiteh Allotey
Ghana discovered oil in commercial quantities offshore along the Cape Three Points in the Western Region in 2007 after years of prospecting.

Production in the Jubilee Field started with 80,000 barrels of crude oil per day and has currently reached a production level of 110.000 barrels per day. It is expected to peak at 120,000 barrels per day in the years ahead.

A number of institutions sprung up at the time offering a number of oil related programmes in in a bid to position Ghanaians strategically to take up jobs in the sector. Several other companies and consultancy firms also cropped up providing varied services in the field.

Though the resource is in Ghana, the countries stake in the sector is less than 20 percent. The country is still prospecting for new oil fields with recent discoveries pointing to oil resource in parts of Keta in the Volta Region.

Experts believe the Voltaian Basin hold oil and gas reserves which government through the Ghana National Petroleum Corporation (GNPC) is seeking to fully explore. Government has also expanded the country’s oil resource with arrival of the Floating Production Storage Offloading (FPSO) John Evans Atta Mills for the Tweneboa, Enyenra and Ntomme (TEN) Fields which is expected to produce about 23, 000 barrels of crude a day.

In a bid to ensure that Ghanaians are not sidelined however, Parliament passed the local content and local participation regulation (L.I. 2204) in 2013 to put indigenous Ghanaians at the forefront of all petroleum activities.

The L.I. sought to achieve the following:
(a) Promote the maximization of value-addition and job creation through the use of local expertise, goods and services, businesses and financing in the petroleum industry value chain and their retention in the country;

(b) Develop local capacities in the petroleum industry value chain through education, skills transfer and expertise development, transfer of technology and know-how and active research and development programmes;

(c) Achieve the minimum local employment level and in-country spend for the provision of the goods and services in the petroleum industry value chain as specified in the First Schedule;

(d) Increase the capability and international competitiveness of domestic businesses;

(e) create petroleum and related supportive industries that will sustain economic development;
(f) Achieve and maintain a degree of control for Ghanaians over development initiatives for local stakeholders;

(g) Provide for a robust and transparent monitoring and reporting system to ensure delivery of local content policy objectives;

(h) Provide for the submission of the local content plan and related sub-plans by contractors, subcontractors, licensees and any other allied entity involved in the petroleum industry including

(i) The provision of goods and services;

(ii) The transfer to the Corporation or the Commission and Ghanaians of advanced technology and skills related to petroleum activities;

(iii) A recruitment and training programme; and

(iv) Supervision, coordination, implementation and monitoring of local content.
Despite the passage of the local content regulation analysts believe that the quantum of local participation, as well as the extent to which local people can participate in the oil and gas sector is limited with regards to technology, finance and human resources. The onus however lies on the government to invest massively in building the capacity of its citizens to enable them occupy vantage positions in order to ensure that the oil resource benefits Ghanaians and not only the foreign investors.

Negotiation of better oil deals
Going forward, government must negotiate new oil deals in a better way and must have a lot of components for Ghanaians. Unlike the Jubilee Fields, government is said to have negotiated for more Ghanaian components in the TEN project but much more is required to enable Ghanaians have more stake in the sector. Government must negotiate in a way that allow Ghanaians to increase their stake in the sector as this will go a long way in improving the economy.

Better governance and full implementation of local content law
There is also the need for government to ensure that the local content law is implemented to the latter. For instance the regulation states that for any contract be awarded to any company, if foreign, “there shall be at least a five percent equity participation of an indigenous Ghanaian company other than the Corporation to be qualified to enter into a petroleum agreement or a petroleum license.”

Per the regulation any petroleum agreement that forfeits the above will not be granted but I believe it will be in order for the indigenous participation to be further increased to 20 percent or more. This will enable Ghanaians to be at the forefront of the sector, they must be involved in every aspect in the sector –from fixing of pipelines to managerial positions. The regulation further states that “Where an indigenous Ghanaian company has the capacity to execute a job, that indigenous Ghanaian company shall not be disqualified exclusively on the basis that it is not the lowest financial bidder. “
“Where the total value of the bid of a qualified indigenous Ghanaian company does not exceed the lowest bid by more than ten percent, the contract shall be awarded to that indigenous Ghanaian company. Where during an evaluation of bids, the bids are adjudged to be equal; the bid containing the highest level of local content shall be selected.” Though captured by law, if the above regulation is not adhered to, Ghanaians will surely be ripped off in the sector. Government must immediately set up a taskforce to enforce the regulation at every point.

Training
Government must also create schemes to train locals to take advantage of opportunities in the downstream sector and if possible the upstream sector. For instance government can train more fuel tanker operators [or purchase fuel tankers for them on credit to help in the transportation of oil and gas or train more people to work in local refineries and in the extraction process. Others can be trained to market petroleum products either wholesale or retail. This will generate more jobs to boost economic growth and also ensure a fair representation of Ghanaians in the sector.

Train students for jobs in oil & gas sector
Government must be able to capture data on citizens studying oil and gas related programmes in school and ensure that they are connected to companies in the sector after school. Others should also be encouraged to study such courses at the tertiary level. This will reduce the unemployment rate in the country which analysts say has reached frightening levels. Scholarship packages should be given to students to study oil and gas related courses and absorbed by the companies after their course of study. More IT experts must be encouraged to take up jobs in the sector as well.
Transparency on how oil cash is expended

There should also be transparency on how revenue generated from the sector is expended. For this to be successful, there is however the need for the passage of the Right to Information Bill. This would make access to information easy to bring to book corrupt companies who could either face sanctions or have their licenses revoked.

Reversing Ageing
Injecting blood from young people into old mice improves the mice’s brain power and leads to increased physical activity, according to new research. The finding could lead to breakthroughs for people suffering from degenerative conditions such as Alzheimer’s Disease.

The findings, which have yet to be peer-reviewed, were presented at the Society for Neuroscience annual meeting in San Diego, California on Monday, the New Scientist reports.
Researchers from anti-ageing research company Alkahest took blood samples from 18-year-old humans and injected the plasma into 12-month-old mice twice a week for three weeks.

A one-year-old mouse is roughly equivalent to a 50-year-old human, and by that age mice have already started to show signs of ageing such as deteriorating memory and being less physically active.

When injected with human plasma, the old mice began to behave like younger mice, running around in open spaces. Their memory also showed improvements when tested in a special maze that measures spatial learning and memory.

The elixir of youth appears to be in the blood plasma. A previous study had involved surgically conjoining young mice with old mice so that they shared a blood supply for several weeks. Older mice received the younger one’s blood and vice versa.

Old mice that received young blood experienced a boom in the growth of brain cells in the hippocampus, a part of the brain that plays a key role in memory. Meanwhile, receiving old blood had the opposite effect on the brains of young mice.

When researchers at Alkahest examined the effect on the mice’s brains after receiving human blood they also found evidence of new cells being created in the hippocampus.
The team believes that the young plasma appears to be the key factor in reversing the effects of ageing and says their method has the potential to be developed into a treatment for human patients. A trial is already underway with people suffering from Alzheimer’s.

“There’s anecdotal evidence that people experience benefits after blood transfusions,” Sakura Minami, a neuroscientist with the company, told New Scientist.





Thursday, 24 November 2016

MAHAMA: Okudzeto Ablakwa Predicts Decisive Victory for Him

Ghana's President John Dramani Mahama
By Ekow Mensah
Honourable Samuel Okudzeto-Ablakwa, Deputy Minister of Education has predicted a decisive victory for President John Dramani Mahama in the December 7, elections.
He said, “I have no doubt that President Mahama will be victorious.

“He has done so much in terms of infrastructural development, he is transforming lives, providing jobs for the youth and he is one of the most modest leaders I have seen” he said.

Okudzeto Ablakwa was speaking on Pan African Television’s current affairs programme “Talk Time with Kwesi Pratt, Jnr”.

According to him, President Mahama’s commitment to expanding access to education is real and very deep.

On senior secondary school education, Mr Okudzeto Ablakwa said from the colonial era to 2012, all governments built 500 such schools.

He said President Mahama committed himself to building 200 more and currently 123 of them are at various stages of completion.

More than 45 have already been commissioned and some of them have admitted more than 1000 students each.

Each of the completed schools has been given a bus and an utility vehicle and all needed equipment.

He said the Mahama administration is also fully committed to ensuring that every region gets at least one public university.

The government, he said is also converting all 10 polytechnics into universities.
On the issue of teacher trainee allowances, Mr Okudzeto Ablakwa said they had to be withdrawn in order to expand access to teacher training colleges.

He said government is still responsible for the provision of meals to all teacher trainees.

The interview will be repeated on Pan African Television tomorrow at 5.00pm.

Editorial
LET’S WALK OUT
The decision by number of countries to pull out of the International Criminal Court is most welcome news because it asserts our dignity as African people.

The countries include, the Gambia, South Africa, Kenya, and Russia.

It is indeed instructive that in spite of the war crimes committed by western leaders and security personnel in Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria nobody has been put before the ICC.

The discrimination against Africa by the ICC has been obvious for a very long time and we are happy that some African countries and Russia are beginning to take appropriate action.

Let us walk out of this anti-African Court. 

NPP AND EC TUSSLE

John Boadu, Acting General Secretary of the NPP
The opposition New Patriotic Party (NPP) has dismissed the Electoral Commission’s claims that the party sanctioned the logo used on the 2016 parliamentary ballot sheets.

Confusion broke out at the Ashanti Regional office of the EC on Monday, after the NPP refused to accept the parliamentary ballot papers sent there for the upcoming polls.
According to the party, its logo on the printed ballot did not have the party’s initials as the other parties had.

But the EC subsequently issued a statement stating that it did not commit an error  since other parties including the NPP were part of all processes as far as the printing of ballot papers was concerned.

“During the printing process, not only did the party have its representatives at the printing houses at all material times, high ranking officers of the party visited the printing houses regularly to monitor the process. At no point did they raise any objections about the NPP’s logo as it was being printed,” the statement said.

The NPP has however issued another statement, denying the EC’s assertion that the NPP approved the removal of party initials from the parliamentary notice of poll.

“At no point did NPP supervisors at the printing houses express satisfaction/approval over the removal of Party initials from the Parliamentary Notice of Poll and ballot sheets as is being suggested by the Electoral Commission.”

The statement from the party is below
RE: CLARIFICATION: POLITICAL PARTY LOGO ON BALLOT SHEETS.
We refer to the statement issued by the Electoral Commission on the evening of Monday, 14th of November 2016 in an apparent response to concerns expressed by some members of the NPP over the omission of the party’s initials beneath it’s symbol on the Parliamentary ballot sheets and wish to point out the obvious distortions and untruths therein.

1. The Electoral Commission printed Parliamentary Notices of Polls with different inscriptions in the blue portion of the NPP logo/symbol.

2. Whilst for instance the Notice of Poll in the Asante Akyem Nouth Constituency had in the blue portion of the NPP symbol “MOTTO: DEVELOPMENT IN FREEDOM”, another one for Kwadaso had ” NPP: DEVELOPMENT IN FREEDOM”. But both had NPP written beneath the symbol and all of these are public and copies can be verified.

3. The NPP supervisors quickly drew the Commission’s attention at the printing houses to correct this anomaly. In doing this correction, the NPP initials beneath the symbol was also removed.

4. We again noticed that and quickly asked for it to be reinstated, only to be informed by the Commission’s supervisors that it was too late for the initials to be included.

5. The Commission further took the position that it had not erred in removing the “NPP” initials placed beneath the symbol since the NPP official logo/symbol had no such initials included in it.

6. It however made a surprise turn around in bringing the NPP initial back on the Presidential Notice of Poll and ballot sheets.

7. At no point did NPP supervisors at the printing houses express satisfaction/approval over the removal of Party initials from the Parliamentary Notice of Poll and ballot sheets as is being suggested by the Electoral Commission.

We urge party members/supporters and voters in general to remain calm and focused on the Great Elephant symbol. 3y3 Osono.
Election Directorate,
NPP.

US guilty of war crimes
Former US President George Bush, a notorious war criminal
The International Criminal Court (ICC) has announced that the US military and the CIA may be guilty of carrying out war crimes in Afghanistan.

On Monday, the ICC’s chief prosecutor Fatou Bensouda made the announcement while unveiling the results of a preliminary probe launched into US actions in the country.
Bensouda noted that if proven, the war crimes were carried out mainly between 2003 and 2004 during the "cruel and violent" questioning of prisoners.

There is "reasonable basis to believe that, in the course of interrogating these detainees ... members of the US armed forces and the US Central Intelligence Agency resorted to techniques amounting to the commission of the war crimes of torture, cruel treatment, outrages upon personal dignity, and rape,” she said.

"Members of US armed forces appear to have subjected at least 61 detained persons to torture," said the ICC, adding that CIA personnel seem to have tortured a further 27 prisoners. It added that it is yet to decide if it will launch a full investigation into the case.
“These alleged crimes were not the abuses of a few isolated individuals," said the report. "They appear to have been committed as part of approved interrogation techniques in an attempt to extract 'actionable intelligence.’”

The probe marks the first time a formal ICC investigation has scrutinized US crimes.
The ICC has repeatedly highlighted alleged abuses of detainees by American troops between 2003 and 2005 that it believes have not been adequately addressed by the US government.
Washington insists that the ICC does not have jurisdiction over American citizens because the US never ratified the Rome Statute that established the court in the first place.
Afghanistan is still suffering from insecurity and violence years after the United States and its allies invaded the country in 2001 as part of Washington’s so-called war on terror.

What the Grenadian Revolution can teach us about people’s power
Maurice Bishop with Fidel Castro and another
By Ajamu Nangwaya
With respect to the Grenadian Revolution, authoritarian means could not have given birth to the desired end, namely, the self-emancipation of the people. Effective control, initiative and power must be in the hands of the working-class in order for it to carry out the tasks associated with the development of a socialist society.

The collapse of the Grenadian Revolution on 19 October 1983 [1] should be carefully examined for the lessons that it might offer to organizers in the Caribbean who are currently organizing with the labouring classes. If the working-class shall be the architect of its liberation, the process of revolution-making should enable them to fulfill that role.

Fundamental change should not be the outcome of a vanguard force that usurps the initiative of the people. Self-emancipation of the people, as advocated by Walter Rodney and C. L. R. James, is the prudent and humanistic approach to struggle, if “all power to the people” is not simply an exercise in empty sloganeering.

The Grenadian Revolution of 1979-1983 was the most significant revolutionary political development or experimentation in the post-independence Anglophone Caribbean. This Caribbean revolution broke away from the inherited Westminster political governance of British imperialism and embraced the ideological path of revolutionary state socialism. The latter path was a rejection of capitalism that is associated with genocide, slavery, indentureship and continued neocolonialism in the Caribbean.

Ken Boodhoo makes this assessment of the legacy of the Grenadian Revolution: “The 1979-1983 experiment in Grenada will undoubtedly be regarded by historians as one of the major progressive mile-stones in the region’s history.”[2] This revolution was the result of centuries of resistance to capitalist exploitation, anti-African racism, oppression of women and European domination in the Caribbean.[3] This Grenadian Revolution was greeted with enthusiasm and solidarity within the ranks of progressive forces across the Americas.

Unfortunately, internal conflicts over political direction and organisational leadership structures and practices within the New Jewel Movement (NJM) between its two major leaders, Prime Minister Maurice Bishop and Deputy Prime Minister Bernard Coard, led to a palace coup and the disarming of the revolution and the people.[4] On 19 October 1983, the army fired on the people, executed Bishop and other leaders (Jacqueline Creft, Norris Bain, Fitzroy Bain, Unison Whiteman and Vincent Noel) and imposed a four-day round-the-clock curfew on the country. The leaders and civilians were murdered after the people released Bishop from house arrest and stormed Fort Rupert, the army’s headquarters.

The Revolutionary Military Council was declared the new sheriff in town on 20 October 1983 and the people were effectively chased away from the staging of history as its principal actors.[5] This repressive development officially communicated to the people that power was never located in their mass organizations and workers, zonal, and parish councils, the erstwhile grassroots democratic organs of the Grenadian Revolution. The men and women at the top of the NJM’s organisational food chain, a distinct minority, were and have always been the effective rulers of revolutionary Grenada, notwithstanding the leadership’s claim that it was constructing a system wherein the people are the decision-makers.[6]

The means that we use to pursue or achieve revolutionary outcomes will unavoidably shape the processes, relations, programmes and political, economic and social institutions in the emancipated society. When some revolutionaries dismiss the general operationalising of the notion “the end justifies the means” or “by any means necessary,” their concerns or critiques extend beyond an action that might not be guided by a moral code of action.

These revolutionaries are preoccupied with the real fear that the means unguided by strict moral or ethical guidelines could undermine the goals and practices that are the foundation of the very society being pursued by the forces of human emancipation. With respect to the Grenadian Revolution, authoritarian means could not have given birth to the following end - the self-emancipation of the people. Effective control, initiative and power must be in the hands of the working-class in order for it to carry out the tasks associated with the development of a socialist society.

The NJM mimicked the organizational processes, structures and beliefs and spirit of the Leninist model of organising the people for revolution. It went in this direction after the failure of the series of mass protest actions of 1974 and January 1975 to overthrow the entrenched, authoritarian and repressive Eric Gairy regime, even with one mass protest that attracted 20,000 participants. The expected spontaneous uprising of the masses did not materialize and the NJM looked for other models of fomenting a successful insurrection.

After 1974, the NJM embraced the idea and practice of the Leninist vanguard party with its restrictive and exacting membership criteria, a hierarchical, commandist organisational structure and a conspiratorial, secretive ethos.[7]This approach to the exercise of power was maintained during the tenure of the People’s Revolutionary Governmentof 1979-1983.

During the present period of struggle, it is critically important for organisers to centre self-emancipation or the people taking centre-stage in the theorizing and practical actions that are executed in the movements for peace, dignity, justice, respect and socialism. The Grenadian Revolution has taught us that power-from-above as expressed through a vanguard party and an all-powerful state coupled with community-based consultative structures is not a substitute for the direct exercise of power by the working-class and other oppressed groups.

Based on the accumulated experience of the working-class with revolutionary or radical parties that have captured state power, it should be clear that the power to make the final economic, social and political decisions are usually sequestered in the hands of the politicians, party bosses and the bureaucracy. Today’s organisers cannot ignore the fact that top-down decision-making structures are a fundamental character of the state. The preceding state of affairs is hostile to the possibility of the people shaping the decisions that impact their lives.

The revolutionary socialist or communist society will be a stateless one. If means are ends in a state of becoming that which is self-consciously desired or planned, the state with its hierarchy, centralist nature and power-from-above tendencies cannot serve as the instrument for engendering socialism. Since 1917 to today, we have almost one hundred years of revolutionary history to examine the capacity of the state to engender the self-organisation of the masses. The venerable Caribbean Marxist C. L. R. James was also skeptical of the ability of the state to promote socialism with the self-management of the people over the workplace and the rest of society’s critical institutions.[8]

The programmes, projects and institutions that emerge from the organising work of the revolutionary organizers in the Caribbean should reflect the participatory democratic or self-emancipatory principles and practices that will be found in the future socialist or communist society. The organisations and institutions of the labouring classes should be laboratories that prepare the people for the communist or anarchist society that will be classless, stateless and self-organised by the people.

Therefore, as we organise against the exploitative and alienating nature of the capitalist workplace, the revolutionary organisers and the people must embrace labour self-management as a way to get the working-class ready for a society in which capital is under the control of the workers. This self-organization or self-emancipatory philosophy, attitude and beliefs should be extended to all areas of activities in the organising that is done in the Caribbean and the rest of the Americas.

The Grenadian Revolution has made it clear that the hierarchically organized and centralist vanguard party and the overwhelming power imbalance between the state and civil society will not give birth to a socialist society that is defined by the self-emancipation of the labouring classes. Imperialism’s acts of aggression and destabilization cannot serve as an excuse to not actualize the self-organization of the masses.

* Ajamu Nangwaya, Ph.D., is an organizer, writer and a lecturer at the University of the West Indies. This article was first published on Telesur English and is presented here with the reference information.
End notes
[1] The violent seizure of power by a faction of the New Jewel Movement and disarming of the labouring classes provided the pretext for the invasion and destruction of the Grenadian Revolution by the United States on 25 October 1983.
[2] Ken I. Boodhoo, The Grenada Revolution: Rationale for Failure and Lessons for the Caribbean (Dialogue #61) (1986). LACC Occasional papers series. Dialogues (1980 - 1994), Paper 8: 29.
[3] David Hinds, “The Grenadian Revolution and the Caribbean Left: The Case of Guyana’s Working People’s Alliance,”Journal of Eastern Caribbean Studies, 35, 3 and 4 (2010): 76.
[4] Brian Meeks argues in his book Caribbean Revolutions and Revolutionary Theory: An Assessment of Cuba, Nicaragua and Grenada (Kingston, Jamaica: University of the West Indies Press, 2001 [1993]) that no sharp ideological differences existed between Bishop and Coard with respect to their commitment to Leninism and socialism. The political conflict was centred upon the role of the principal leader and the party in the process of the revolution’s activities (pp. 170-74).
[5] Steve Clark, “The Second Assassination of Maurice Bishop,” New International: A Magazine of Marxist Politics and Theory, no. 6 (1987): 62-63.
[6] Tony Martin, Ed, In Nobody’s Backyard: The Grenada Revolution in its Own Words, Volume I: The Revolution at Home, (Dover, Massachusetts: The Majority Press, 1983), 58-61.
[7] Tennyson S D Joseph, “C.L.R. James' Theoretical Concerns and the Grenada Revolution: Lessons for the Future,”Journal of Eastern Caribbean Studies, 35, 3 and (2010): 15-18; Meeks, Caribbean Revolutions, 149-52.
[8] Tennyson S D Joseph, “C.L.R. James' Theoretical Concerns,” 6-9.

South Africa’s deprivations and depravations revealed in Jacob Zuma’s meltdown
South African President Jacob Zuma
By Patrick Bond
President Zuma has suffered two major legal defeats: a fumbled state attack on Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan which was humiliatingly withdrawn by an incompetent prosecutor following a national outcry, and the release of the Public Protector’s report on the Zuma family’s corrupt relationships. Will enough pressures from below be mobilised to generate non-violent regime change in South Africa?

This week could well be remembered as South Africa’s most important political inflection point since the September 2008 ousting of sitting President Thabo Mbeki by his own party, the African National Congress (ANC). His main tormenter then was Jacob Zuma, who – following a brief handover period – has ruled the country in an increasingly dubious manner since May 2009.

But several contradictions have exploded in Zuma’s face. Political opponents from across the spectrum, radical university students and his own party’s establishment smell the blood, as Zuma’s fabled patronage system is now in the spotlight, apparently in tatters.

Zuma just suffered two major legal defeats: a fumbled state attack on Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan which was humiliatingly withdrawn by an incompetent prosecutor on Monday following a national outcry, and Wednesday’s release of the public protector’s “State of Capture” report on the Zuma family’s corrupt relationships, a report the president and two cabinet colleagues unsuccessfully attempted to quash.

Zuma loses his political grip while liberals and radicals gain momentum
While Zuma tried delay tactics, rumblings at the base have grown louder. The leftist Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) party and the centre-right Democratic Alliance (DA) both held anti-Zuma marches in the capital city Pretoria on Wednesday, with the former’s leader Julius Malema clearly distancing himself from a third event – a ‘Save South Africa’ meeting at the nearby Anglican cathedral with scores of notables from civil society and big business.

Malema told a crowd of many thousands, “A CEO will speak at that small church there, not Church Square. Let them speak there. Small churches are for CEOs. Only the EFF has the potential to collapse the ANC.” The threat of EFF activists marching to occupy Zuma’s offices at Pretoria’s Union Buildings offices was deflected by police, but the red-shirted marchers took over much of the capital city’s central business district.

Prior to the 355-page “State of Capture” report, Malema’s deputy Floyd Shivambu had written the most thorough analysis of the Gupta brothers’ influence, and the EFF regularly refers to the network of state and Gupta cronies as the ‘Zuptas.’ The Gupta influence includes mass media (a newspaper and TV network), mining (especially exceptionally controversial links to the Eskom parastatal and its top manager) and provincial ANC leaders.

Other proletarian elements are also growing restless. One of the three most important trade unions still backing Zuma, the nurses (with more than 200 000 members – in the same league as teachers and mineworkers who have been Zuma’s main labour backers), announced on Tuesday that they now want the president to resign. The largest union, the metalworkers with 350 000 members, did so in late 2013. But more recently, so too have scores of major ANC leaders, along with what seems to be nearly the entirety of centre-left and centrist civil society and the media commentariat.

As a former guerrilla fighter with no formal education, Zuma, 74, is a genius at maintaining not only talk-left walk-right ideological flexibility, but also membership loyalty within his Zulu ethnic group and the country’s eastern and northern provinces (KwaZulu-Natal, Mpumalanga, Free State, North West and Limpopo). Although in August municipal elections it lost 8% of the vote compared to the 2011 vote, the ANC won handily in most of these areas.

But for the first time since liberation, the ANC surrendered rule of the economic heartland of Johannesburg, Pretoria and the fifth largest city of Nelson Mandela Bay (Port Elizabeth) to what is sure to be a fleeting right-left alliance of DA and EFF. The second city, Cape Town, has been run by the DA since 2006, while third-largest Durban is safely pro-Zuma. Huge ANC patronage power dissipated with the loss of the three metro areas.

Zuma himself is also being battered again by 783 corruption charges relating to bribery in a late 1990s French military deal. The infamous arms deal unravelled the ANC’s liberation mystique even during Nelson Mandela’s 1994-99 rule. As a result of a colleague’s jailing on the same charges, Zuma was fired as Mbeki’s Deputy President in 2005. He then won acquittal in a high-profile 2006 rape case. The (HIV+) victim – daughter of a former ANC guerrilla who was a close family friend of Zuma, Fezikile Kuzwayo – died in Durban last month, again reviving memories of his misogyny. Zuma, who has four wives and more than twenty children, claimed during the trial, “in Zulu culture, you don't just leave a woman,” a stance Kuzwayo eloquently rebutted as she was forced into exile for several years by Zuma’s manic supporters.

Until now, Zuma has kept dissident tendencies within the ANC’s big political tent, in part by using divide-and-conquer patronage skillfully. But the day of reckoning is here because the Gupta family – three immigrant Indian brothers who became ostentatious tycoons over the past two decades – have been winning massive state deals and using alleged bribes to get even wealthier, as revealed in “State of Capture.”

For example, the respected Deputy Finance Minister Mcebisi Jonas accused the Guptas of offering him $45 million a year ago, if he agreed to become finance minister in an informal putsch, because his then boss Nhlanhla Nene had balked at airplane and nuclear deals favourable to Zuma’s retinue. After Jonas forcefully declined, the subsequent firing of Nene and offer of the job to a political ingĂ©nue – Des van Rooyen – left the country shocked last December. Within four days, amidst a panicked currency crash, a business uprising led by three white bankers forced Zuma to shift the hapless Van Rooyen over to the local government ministry and replace him with Gordhan, who had served in the same job to corporate applause from 2009-14.

But throughout 2016, Gordhan’s stance became increasingly untenable, thanks to the economic downturn and repeated attempts by Zuma allies to prosecute him for what appear to be either nonsensical claims or relatively trivial misdeeds in his prior role in the tax authority. As the country barely dodged a recession, Gordhan’s 2016 budgetary manoeuvres were also complicated by rising popular dissent – especially university students who demanded around $2 billion in new funding to achieve “free, decolonised, quality higher education” in the #FeesMustFall campaign, as well as angry black communities denied decent levels of municipal services – and threats of a junk bond rating downgrade.

Credit rating threats and student demands
That junk rating has long been threatened by the local managers of three agencies: Moody’s, Fitch and Standard&Poor’s. But while Gordhan goes to great lengths to appease them and the financiers they front for, the three agencies are so often so spectacularly wrong (e.g. with AAA ratings for Lehman Brothers bank and IAG insurance in 2008), and so apparently biased towards the prejudices of western banks, that in Goa last month, the Brazil-Russia-India-China-South Africa economic alliance pledged to introduce their own.

The neoliberal financial elites in the BRICS machinery ensured, however, that the wording for such an agency’s mandate emphasised “market-oriented,” so as with the BRICS New Development Bank and Contingent Reserve Arrangement, there would logically be no difference with existing institutions. And as with Brazil and Russia which were also given junk status recently, South Africa pays a 9% interest rate on its now dangerously high $135 billion foreign debt, which indicates that the markets already de facto consider South Africa to have junk status.

With those three agencies firmly in mind, on October 25, Gordan revealed his latest budget in parliament. At the time, 16 of the country’s 25 universities had been forced by student protesters to temporarily close down, in the activists’ attempt to raise national pressure on the government. Though valiant, and though 600 students were arrested and around $80 million in damage done by protesters to their campuses, neither Zuma nor Gordhan gave in.

On October 25, several thousand furious university students met Gordhan for a talk at parliament’s gates before the budget speech, but then after being attacked by police, began violently protesting throughout central Cape Town. They were then heartbroken by Gordhan’s decision to offer only $420 million in new funds, following more than a year of intense social debate and student protest, in the wake of a legacy of university underfunding by Gordhan’s predecessor, the famous neoliberal Trevor Manuel who now works for Rothschild. And they were infuriated by yet another heavy-handed police clampdown.

But the students should not have been surprised. Gordhan did after all signal divide-and-rule budget politics during a New York interview amidst his last investor road-show, on October 5: “We have a solution which will meet the needs of the poor students, and the so-called missing middle as well, and it’s important that students who understand the calculations, who understand the trade-offs that we need between student fees being subsidised on the one hand, and housing and welfare and health and other issues being paid for on the other hand, that they should be part of a constructive conversation.”

Across South Africa, #FeesMustFall had rejected that ‘solution’ when it was proposed by Higher Education Minister Blade Nzimande – who also leads the SA Communist Party – two weeks earlier. They well understand that state subsidies provided 50% of university income in 2000, but steadily fell to 40% today, with students covering the bulk of the shortfall.

On October 25, Gordhan again told them to borrow more – he offered $670 million – in order to pay for their undergraduate education. The National Student Financial Aid Scheme’s extremely low repayment rates ($1.5 billion out of $1.8 billion in outstanding debt remains uncollected) reflects how that strategy is working. Adding household debt is usually only a short-term salve, as demonstrated by the ratio of South African borrowers whom the National Credit Regulator deems ‘credit impaired’: still in the unsustainable region of 45%, barely lower than the 2008 high.

Importantly, a report by Nzimande’s 2012-13 Commission on fees-free education was covered up until its findings were leaked in 2015. Nzimande’s spokesperson Khaye Nkwanyana had explained, “It is a public document, but due to the nature of the report, we decided not to make it public. Obviously we would have been setting the Finance Minister [Gordhan] up against the public if that decision and report was released.”

Gordhan’s neoliberal bias
The choices Gordhan made last month necessarily set him against the public. For example, his February budget provided a mere 3.5% nominal increase to foster care providers (who play a vital role given the catastrophic AIDS orphan rate) and a 6.1% rise for mothers of many millions of Child Support Grant recipients. While old-age pensions are not increasing, the extra $0.75/month he offered to the latter – up to a tokenistic $27/month – brings the child grant’s overall increase this year to 7.5%.

However, inflation for poor people will likely exceed 10%, due to a 15% rise in basic food costs, Eskom’s 9.4% electricity price increase and higher transport expenses. Reflecting the gap between Pretoria’s conscience and society’s hunger, the poverty rate (for food and necessities) is now an excruciating 63%. But South Africa has the fifth lowest social spending rate amongst the 40 largest economies (half that of Russia and Brazil).
Instead of targeting social spending, Gordhan could instead have referenced the $17.3 billion in annual overcharging within Treasury’s $45 billion procurement budget. Treasury’s lead procurement official Kenneth Brown recently acknowledged, “without adding a cent, the government can increase its output by 30-40%. That is where the real leakage in the system actually is.”

Why has such fiscal wastage continued for so long? Gordhan himself admits that Treasury remains confounded by systematic ANC “rent-seeking. It means every time I want to do something, I say it is part of transformation. But in the meantime, it means giving contracts to my pals in closets.” (The “I” and “my” refer to the Zupta faction.)

But there are also other pals in other closets, who normally cheer on Treasury neoliberalism: the 1% of rich South Africans who have had an exceptional run since the early 1990s, according to a World Bank report released last month. Post-apartheid economic policies raised their income share from 10-12% of total income (excluding capital gains) in 1990-94 to 18-20% since 2009, nearly unprecedented in the world.

These are also the (mostly) men who take assets abroad illicitly. For in addition to around $11 billion in net profit, dividend and interest payments  that leave the country – the main reason South Africa’s current account deficit often reaches a dangerous 5% of GDP – there is $21 billion in annual average ‘Illicit Financial Flows’ (as counted by Global Financial Integrity over the past decade).

This threat continues unless Treasury and the Reserve Bank counter it by tightening exchange controls. They won’t. Apparently without any state regulatory friction, blatant tax dodging occurs at the biggest platinum companies, especially Lonmin with its Bermuda “marketing” arm, De Beers with its $2.8 billion in diamond misinvoicing over seven years, and MTN’s cellphone profit diversions to Mauritius from several African countries.

Society’s challenge
A strong, committed Finance Minister would attack such depravities, so as to find funding needed to eliminate society’s deprivations. Since Gordhan has failed, will society now ask what rearrangement of the balance of forces is required to finally construct a democratic, developmental state? The first stage of that (liberal) revolution is upon us: confronting the Zuma faction’s corrupt nexus of politicians, parastatal agency managers and public-private pilfering partners. The patronage apparatus may fall slowly, because Zuma will challenge the “State of Capture” findings and a sluggish official commission will only then be appointed to investigate more of the details.

But for the next stage, the ongoing prolific protests by opposition parties, university students, communities and labour, remains on the horizon as the political dust refuses to settle. The period ahead will not only clarify whether the liberals and their allies fighting on behalf of Gordhan and the anti-corruption cause can defeat the master of nationalist survival politics, Zuma. Just as importantly, we will learn what pressures from below can be mobilised to generate non-violent regime change in the interests of a post-Zupta, post-neoliberal budget next time Gordhan presents to parliament, in February 2017.

* Patrick Bond is Professor of Political Economy at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg. The third edition of his book, Elite Transition: From Apartheid to Neoliberalism in South Africa, was published by Pluto Press in 2014.