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| Fmr. Minister of Youth and Sports Kofi Humado |
Mr. Kofi Humado,
former Minister of Youth and Sports has sent a written response to questions
raised by “The Insight “on the GYEEDA report.
The response is published below unedited;
Introduction
On assumption of office in March 2011 as the Minister of
Youth and Sports, I undertook an analysis of the then National Youth Employment
Programme (NYEP) in order to come up with a strategy to tackle the myriad of
problems associated with the programme. Below are my analysis and a summary of
efforts that I made to improve the governance structure and financial processes
of NYEP.
Governance
Structure of NYEP/GYEEDA
Legal
Status of the Programme
As
at the time I took over, there was no legal Instrument providing the necessary
legal support for the Programme. If such
an instrument had existed, it would have among other things defined the establishment
structure, functions, responsibilities, obligations, together with funding
arrangements for the Programme. The
instrument would have spelt out the establishment and composition of an
oversight board.
Measures Undertaken
during my tenure to improve the governance of NYEP
Realising
the poor governance structures and procedures of NYEP/GYEDA at the time I took
over, I had to convince the management of the NYEP that we needed to undertake
the following:
i.
Need
for a Scheme of Service acceptable to the Public Services Commission that would
guarantee job security and improved governance of NYEP
ii.
Improve
the financial management procedures of NYEP
iii.
Propose
a Bill establishing NYEP to be approved by cabinet and Parliament in order to
guarantee a distinct government budget and oversight Board for the Programme
Scheme
of Service and Organisational Structure for the Programme
I
submitted a paper to cabinet for approval to undertake a restructuring of NYEP.
This was approved and I subsequently wrote to the Public Services Commission to
assist NYEP with a Scheme of Service for the Programme that would facilitate
and guide the recruitment development of career profession and selection of
staff with the requisite skills to carry out the mandate and functions of the
key Divisions under the Programme. This
would also ensure that post holders are equipped with relevant skills and knowledge
to undertake their duties and responsibilities adequately.
The
Public Services Commission requested the Management Services Division (MSD) of
its service to undertake the assignment in 2011. As at end of 2012, a new organogramme was
established for NYEP, replete with job positions and qualifications for office
holders, etc. This organogramme was approved by the PSC and NYEP was requested
to implement it. However this required the migration of present staff from the
amorphous structure onto the new structure. The PSC assisted to organise
interviews for management staff while the Ministry organised interviews for all
field staff in the regions. Staffs were requested to provide their certificates
and CVs. In the process several staff lost their positions due to their
inability to provide genuine certificates. This group constituted the first
wave of disgruntled persons that resented the measures that I had undertaken to
improve the governance of the NYEP.
The
new structure created vacancies especially at managerial level which I
requested NYEP to advertise for these positions to be filled. This was ongoing
until I left the Ministry at the end of March 2013.
Improving the Financial
Operations of the Programme
Issuing
of Financial Guidelines
I
undertook a number of measures to improve the financial operations of the NYEP.
In April 2011, I issued out instructions to regulate and control the financial
transactions of the Programme. The
Guidelines which are to ensure the efficient and effective financial management
of the Programme entailed the submission of quarterly cost forecast of the
Programme and plans for disbursement to the Ministry for purposes of effective
supervision and monitoring. The
Guidelines also included the provision of financial levels or thresholds for
approvals, levels of authorization, strengthening of the Internal Audit Unit
and submission of monthly financial Reports to the Ministry. Evidence of these
measures is in the records of the Ministry and can be verified with the Chief
Director of the Ministry.
CONTRACTS RENEWED OR
SIGNED BY CLEMENT KOFI HUMADO
I
now wish to deal with contracts that the Committee’s report has stated that I
signed.
Recruitment
of a Pre-financing Company BGMS to relieve NYEP of its funding problems
By
Cabinet decision a percentage of funds from the following funding agencies was
to be used to fund the Programme as indicated below:
(i) The
National Health Insurance Authority (NHIA) –
10%
(ii) The
Ghana Education Trust Fund (GETFUND) –
10%
(iii) The District Assemblies Common Fund (DACF) – 15%
(iv) The
Communication Service Tax (CST) - 20%
(v) Road
Fund - 10%
Funding
was by far the most serious challenge facing the NYEP. The implementation of
the Programme’s activities was stalled by the irregular and late release of
funds from the statutory funding sources. This resulted in debt pile up for the
NYEP. As a result, the previous Government on 16th June, 2008
arrived at an agreement with the Agricultural Development Bank to pre-finance
the payment of beneficiary allowances. Within a period of six (6) months from
June to December 2008, the previous Administration had accumulated a debt of
GH¢17m which was inherited by the Atta Mills government at the beginning of
2009 when the current administration assumed the reins of Government. As at
March 2011, the total amount owed by the Programme to ADB had increased to
GH¢29.00 million Cedis. This means that
in twenty seven (27) months of the administration of the NYEP under NDC
Government has added a debt of GH¢12m. An analysis of the debt situation revealed
that the Programme was paying huge sums of money to the Bank to service the
advance whilst the debt continued to increase every month. For instance, from
January 2010 to March 2011 a total amount of GH¢7.7 was paid to the bank to
service the debt, but this had not in any way caused a reduction in the
debt. The situation became worrying
since if care was not taken, the NYEP would continue to accumulate debts at the
ADB even if the Programme continues to service the debt.
On
the advice of the Presidency (see letter attached), I was requested to contract
the Better Ghana Management Service (BGMS) to act as a pre-financing company to
NYEP. This meant that we had to terminate the original contract with ADB. The
Ministry had to reach an agreement with ADB to reschedule the NYEP debt over a
scheduled period. I therefore wrote to the Attorney General seeking advice on
the preparation of the contract for BGMS. The AG responded by providing a full
contract for execution by the Ministry (see notes signed by the Hon Martin
Amidu dated 11th November 2011)
ZOOMLION Sanitation
Contract
At
the time I took over, the Zoomlion Management contract had expired for 6
months. The termination clause of their agreement stated that if no notice was
given to the Service Provider three months prior to expiration date then it
would be assumed that the contract would roll on automatically. Hence at the
time I took over, the contract had rolled on awaiting formal preparation of the
renewed contract ex-post. I consulted with the Attorney General who provided
guidance notes for the preparation of the new contract. (See copy of notes from
the AG signed by Ms. Ama Gyantua Banful, Chief State Attorney dated 6th
May 2011). However the signed contract had to be back dated to March 2011 to
provide the basis for payment of the arrears to the Service Provider. It is
therefore not true that I increased the management fees or beneficiary fee
under the new contract even though the AG advised for an increase. The fees
were the same as contained in 2008 contract signed by Nana Akomeah under the
NPP regime. The allegations that I increased the fees are therefore unfounded.
ZEERA Youth in Road
Maintenance Project
This
project was conceived during the time of the NPP and the contract was signed by
NYEP before I assumed duty. However it did not receive the signature of any past
Minister. I queried this development and asked that the contract be redone and
signed by me before any outstanding payments would be effected. I consulted
with the Attorney General who provided guidance notes to the Ministry on the
said contract. (See letter signed by Ms. Ama Jantuah Banful, Chief State
Attorney dated 9th May 2011)
Youth in Leatherworks
and Youth In Transport
This
contract was an expansion of an existing contract to accommodate Leather works
and transport being entered into between NYEP/GYEEDA represented by the
Ministry and the Agams Group of Companies. I sought the opinion and guidance of
the Attorney General on this contract.
The response of the Attorney General is attached signed by Hon Ebo Barton
– Odro, Deputy Attorney General dated 29th June 2011).
Youth In Construction
Module
This
was also a new contract signed between the ACI Construction Limited and
NYEP/GYEEDA represented by the Ministry. I sought the advice of the Attorney
General (copy of letter is with the Ministry). This was followed up with a
request to the Public Procurement Authority (PPA) which gave approval to sole
source this contract. (See copy of PPA approval attached dated 13th
December 2012)
OTHER MEASURES
UNDERTAKEN BY THE MINISTER
Head Counting
I
also ordered a head count of the beneficiaries to ascertain the actual number
of beneficiaries on the programme. The NYEP acquired a soft ware that was mounted
at the NYEP Headquarters to delete automatically all ghost names from the
Programme’s Payment Vouchers.
In
the process I received anonymous calls and letters that some group of NYEP
staff from both head quarters and regions had embarked on siphoning of monies
through the creation of a fraudulent account called the Nation Youth Employment
Programme (NYEP). I drew the attention of the Programme Coordinator who
instituted a preliminary investigation and reported that there was evidence of
these crimes. I called for a thorough investigation that confirmed the crime
and I subsequently interdicted six staff from the regions and Head Office. I
reported the matter to National Security and called for nationwide
investigation to save the Programme form monies that could have been used to
sustain the programme.
However up until end of December 2012, there was no
report from the National Security. The affected staff threatened to sue me if I
could not confirm the crimes against them. I was even subjected to verbal
assault and threats of violence by organised thugs in Accra and Kumasi. A
committee headed by o former Head of Civil Service was accordingly set up to
review the report which recommended the reinstatement of the interdicted staff.
Records on these issues are available in the Ministry to be verified. I must
say that this group became the second disaffected group that black listed me
for punishment of whatever sort and I will not doubt it if they are part of the
group that is spreading false allegations against me after I left office.
Expansion of Funding
Base for the Programme
As
a result of the delayed and unreliable funding from GETFUND, NHIS etc, I
discussed with the then Minister for Communication Hon Haruna Iddrisu to
provide some funding from the Communication Service Tax (CST). This request was
sent to cabinet and subsequently approved by raising the funds inflow from the
20% of CST to 60%. This provided a great relief to NYEP at the time.
Strengthening of the
Monitoring Unit of the NYEP
Following
an audit query from the Auditor Generals Department as well as directive from
the Presidency, I had to issue instructions for the improvement of the Monitoring
Unit of the Programme. I insisted on monitoring reports from the Unit to enable
NYEP cross check claims by Service Providers. For the first time the Unit
provided monitoring reports to NYEP and the Ministry during 2012. Copies are
available in the Ministry for verification.
Strengthening of the Internal
Audit
I
requested the Internal Audit Agency to provide the Ministry with audit staff to
beef up our internal audit control mechanisms. This was complied with and four
internal auditors were sent to the Ministry one of which was assigned to NYEP
to link with the Ministry Auditors. Evidence of correspondence and appointment
of audit staff are available in the Ministry’s records.
Collaboration with the
World Bank to establish a Youth Enterprise Project
Sometime
mid 2012, I was informed by the National Project Coordinator of efforts that he
had made to seek funding from the World Bank to assist in establishing a US$65
million Youth Enterprise Project. This required
that NYEP bear the initial preparatory costs up to a stage before the World
Bank would provide funding assistance.
As
a prelude to the take off of the project, a Team constituted by the World Bank
and comprising representatives from various Ministries Departments and Agencies
including Local Government visited a number of South American Countries to
study similar Projects in these countries.
Between
October and December 2012, the National Coordinator brought to my attention
some project proposals that he thought would qualify under the new World Bank
programme. These accounted for the late and hurried consideration of proposals
from some service providers at the time.
These
were:
a) Youth In Auto Mechanics
Module
b) Youth In Driving Module
c) Youth in Aforestation
Module
For
each of these contracts approval was obtained from the PPA. (See copies
attached dated 28th February 2013). However none of these were
implemented or paid for by NYEP since the intention was to transfer these
projects onto the new World Bank Project.
During
the committees work, I learnt of payments made to a Consulting Company called
Goodwill International. These initial payments were done either before I
assumed office or without my knowledge. However, some field payments thereafter
were brought to my attention towards late 2012.
Preparation of Draft Bill
for NYEP/GYEEDA
Under my supervision a draft Bill was prepared for
NYEP/GYEEDA to be submitted to cabinet and Parliament for approval. The draft
GYEEDA Bill makes provision for establishing a Board for GYEEDA. (Draft copy
attached)
Though
the bill was ready, the end of the past government did not make it possible for
it to be considered. It is however available to be considered under the present
government. Copies are available in the Ministry and all these issues are
indicated in my handing over notes to the incoming Minister.
General Issues raised by
the GYEEDA Committee
The
Committee in their interaction with me has raised several issues as follows:
i.
Loans
that were given to Service providers without approval from Parliament.
ii.
Non
adherence to Financial Administration Regulations with respect to the
procurement of services.
iii.
I
agree that these are relevant issues. However with respect to Parliamentary
approval for loan components of contracts entered into with some Service
Providers, I do not believe that this applies in this particular case. Funds
used for NYEP/GYEEDA were budgeted funds by other agencies and the
Administrator of Common Funds that had received earlier approval from
Parliament. It should not be the case therefore that for each single case
NYEP/GYEEDA had to go back for Parliamentary approval. This is similar to cases
where MASLOC and EDIF funds are granted to beneficiaries as loans to be repaid.
There are several instances of such practice in the system. In any case, the
loans are part of the contract and must be collected when they fall due. This
is what GYEEDA must do in order to retrieve monies that can be recycled to support
the Agency. As far as I am concerned this is not criminal and is a normal part
of PPP contracts. In any case is it not better to advance sift loans to service
providers rather than grants which cannot be recovered? The media hype on this
aspect of GYEEDA contracts as if to impute criminal intent into such contracts
is grossly unfounded.
On
the second case of due process and procurement this is valid. I must say that
up until I assumed office there was no evidence of any past contract under any
past Minister being subjected to Attorney General and the Public Procurement
Authority (PPA). Indeed when the NPP left office all contracts were removed
from the office and I had to contact Service Providers for copies of their
contracts in order to build a stock of records for the Ministry.
It
was during my time that most of the earlier contracts signed by past Ministers
were due for renewal. I made sure that I submitted contracts to the Attorney
General’s Department for advice before entering into contract renewals with
service providers. Evidence of this is available in the Ministry but was not
made available to the committee. I had to provide copies from my own personal
file. Issues of constitutionality, contract content and completeness as well as
parliamentary approval were to have been considered by the Attorney Generals
Department in their advice to the Ministry.
Most
of the contracts under my tenure were submitted to the Public Procurement
Authority (PPA). I was able to get some approved whiles others were either
rejected or required further information before approval. All records are
available in the Ministry.
Conclusion
The
greatest difficulty I had in meeting the GYEEDA Committee was their inability
to source documentary evidence from the Ministry to inform the committee.
Fortunately, I kept personal files at home on some of these issues otherwise I
would have been completely stranded of information to defend and support my
claims. Some other issues raised by the committee would therefore require further
sourcing of documents from the Ministry to resolve these issues.
There
is a tendency that my efforts are getting subsumed under the general perceived
poor performance of GYEEDA. This is the sense I got from reading the leaked
draft report of the committee which was uploaded on myjoyonline website and
which had a huge readership in Ghana and the world.
I
believe that during my tenure, I added value to the governance processes and
systems of NYEP/GYEEDA which need to be built upon. Most of media hypes are unfounded
and must be treated with caution. I believe that I have done no wrong and I
remain clean of any criminal conduct.
Editorial
GYEEDA REPORT
After
a careful study of the draft of the GYEEDA report, The Insight is convinced
that what is needed is institutional reform.
It is more than clear that the programme
cannot continue as it is today because of major institutional lapses.
The lack of a legal framework for its
existence and operation is a hindrances to efforts to ensure probity and
accountability.
In our view the provision of a legislative
framework for the work of GYEEDA is of paramount importance.
If
GYEEDA is to succeed, it would be important to provide a workable
organogram for it in addition to
establishing the qualifications and procedures for appointments on to the
programme.
There would also be the need to provide
accounting standards and processes that make for transparency in the work of
the organization.
These
reforms are necessary and urgent and the authorities must act on them now.
AMANDZIBA AT
CENTRE
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| Amandzeba Nat Brew |
The
music maestro, Amandziba has accepted an invitation to join other performers at
the Monday Groove” at the Freedom Centre in Accra to Celebrate the 20th
anniversary of The Insight.
The event will take place on Monday, September
2, 2013 from 6:00pm.
Other
Super Stars who will be part of the event include Akosua Agyapong, Sister
Jessica and J.B. Backagain.
Nii
Lante, the poet and Papa Yen the resident poet at the Freedom Centre will also
be there.
The
event will be followed the next day with a lecture on “The media and National
Development” by Dr Tony Aidoo.
Mr.
Mahama Ayariga, Minister of Information will also open an exhibition to mark
the anniversary.
ALGERIAN EMBASSY SENDS MESSAGE
The Embassy of Algeria in Accra has sent a
congratulatory message to “The Insight” on its 20th anniversary.
The message dated August 5, 2013 was signed by
Mr Samir Bucha, Charge d’ Affairs.
The message read “on the occasion of the 20th
anniversary of your esteemed newspaper, “The Insight,” I wish on my behalf and
on behalf of the staff of the Embassy of Algeria, to extend to you and your
staff my warmest congratulations.
“Please
accept , dear sir, the assurances of my
highest consideration”
Similar messages have been received from the
Reverend Kwarteng, the Cobbah family, a number of Members of Parliament and
readers of The Insight.
NO CAUSE FOR
PANIC – Okudzeto Ablakwa
 |
| Dep. Min of Education Okudzeto Ablakwa |
By : Dawuda Mohammed Suru
The Government of Ghana has released an additional three
Million (GHc3) to supplement the GH¢7.6 million special provision made earlier
in this year’s fiscal budget for the completion of expansion projects at
various public tertiary institutions.
The money was granted on the advice of a Ministerial audit team, to help these institutions acquire additional furniture, to enable them increase their intake for the 2013/2014 academic year. The allocation of the funds forms part of Government’s efforts to assist public tertiary institutions to absorb the two streams of graduates who wrote the 2013 West Africa Senior School Certificate Examination (WASSCE).
Deputy Minister for Education in charge of Tertiary Education, Hon. Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, said this when he addressed the leadership of various students bodies during a meeting at the Accra International Conference Center on 6th August. He advised all stakeholders in the education sector not to panic because Government assessment of the 409,000 Senior High School (SHS) graduates and total number of public tertiary institutions indicates that the situation can be contained. In addition, all the Polytechnics in the country have been ordered by government to organize pre-entrance programmes for students who otherwise may not meet the admission requirements.
Hon. Okudzeto Ablakwa also commented on the concerns
expressed by some education authorities and students in private universities,
over government decision to impose corporate tax on private universities.
The Deputy Education Minister said, all that the Government
seeks to do, is to tax profit declared by boards of private Universities which
they do not intend to plough back to developments of the institutions. He
therefore urged all students’ bodies to be vigilant not to allow authorities
pass on the corporate tax component.
The Executive Secretary of National Council for Tertiary Education
at the Ministry of education, Professor Mahama Duhiejua commended the leaders
of the student unions for meeting on a common platform to brainstorm on matters
regarding the education sector.
The ministry of education’s meeting with the leadership of
all the students unions is one of the many programmes government is
institutionalizing to give meaning to government’s belief that, student bodies
are partners in development.
Present at the meeting were National Union Of Ghana Students
(NUGS), University Students Associations of Ghana(USAG), Ghana Union of
Professional Students(GUPS), Graduate Student Association of Ghana(GRASAG),
Teacher Training Association of Ghana(TTAG), Ghana National Union of
Polytechnic Students(GNUPS) and the Private Students Union Association of
Ghana(PUSAG).
Egypt: Divide and
Conquer?
By Phil Greaves
Since the onset of the recent turmoil that is once again enveloping
Egypt, (read: military coup) a long-standing current within political discourse
has surrounded, and inevitably started to dominate the debate. False
dichotomies attached to regional and national disputes in the Middle East by
commentators and media organs have provided an unending “analysis” of
specific events based on the opinions of predominantly either of two “sides”
within any given conflict; regardless of the disparity of, and number of
belligerents.
This almost-religious
concentration on false dichotomies within media occurs regardless of whether
either of the two predominant “sides” enjoys a popular or distinct amount of
support within respective communities or populations, while also ignoring, or
actively marginalizing certain factions within conflicts whose opinions or
doctrines do not coincide with either of the dominant narratives emanating from
the media; which in turn are controlled by corporate and ruling elite entities
who determine editorial restrictions.
In the case of Egypt,
post-military coup, the media narrative seems to be transforming into a
conflict between “Secularist Liberals” and “Islamists”. Yet contrary to this
simplistic, and overtly sectarian narrative, King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia – a
Wahhabi Monarchy that many would describe as “Islamist” – was the first party to
congratulate the Egyptian
military’s’ “wisdom and moderation” for overthrowing a democratically elected
and supposedly Islamist President. Media reports have also quickly forgotten
that the Salafist Nour Party – who could also be described as “Islamist” – initially
supported the military overthrow of Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood.
Nuance and conflicting
opinions such as those above are omitted within media to uphold the dominant
simplistic narratives of warring factions of society – as opposed to the reality
of warring factions of Elites manipulating larger factions of society’s
legitimate dissent for their own ends. Manufacturing conflict and division is a
long-standing policy of any modern government or dominant structure. Divide and
Rule social policies have provided the ideal tool for Elites to keep the masses
downtrodden and reliant for centuries on end.
Within Western
dominant structures the false two-party masquerade of corporate politics that
has engulfed the United States, the UK, and increasingly Europe are testament
to the lengths the ruling Elite will go – and indeed the apathetic masses are
willing to accept - to create the illusion of democracy and political
pluralism. Furthermore, within modern societies – including those in the supposed
“enlightened world” – ethnic and sectarian division is possibly the most
successful tool in any ruling elites repertoire.
Dominant structures go
to great lengths to build social divisions in which enslaved and impoverished
masses find solace in the knowledge they belong to a “side” that continually
provide them false hope and ineffective leadership. But a “side” nonetheless,
and with many “sides” there are always “others” to blame and deflect the ruling
Elites failures. Accordingly, large swathes of populations become consumed and
subverted by identity politics – whilst simultaneously being drawn further and
further away from what exactly “the masses” are yearning for:
self-determination, an end to oppression, economic impoverishment, elite
corruption, and unrepresentative governments/dominant structures.
Although the Muslim
Brotherhood have been illegally overthrown, and were indeed “democratically
elected”; the Brotherhood itself does not represent a democratic political
entity. Evidently, the Brotherhood does not represent massive parts of Egyptian
society either, including “Islamists”. The Brotherhood have a long and
documented history of sedition, violence and an intolerant, misogynistic
ideology verging on Salafism. The Brotherhoods short reign of power was mired
in controversy, incompetence, attempted power-grabs and a tendency toward
sectarianism, including the incitement of Egyptian youth to Holy War in Syria.
On the other hand,
General Sisi and the Egyptian military – who also have a long and very recent history
of violence, corruption and oppression – are not a democratic entity in any
sense of the word either. They are a military leadership funded in part, and
trained by the United States, who have upheld a domestically unpopular peace
treaty with Israel for decades to empower themselves economically, whilst
helping to oppress the Palestinians (which has also taken on a dramatic
increase since Sisi’s “revolution”).
And have just engaged
in an unlawful coup of a democratically elected President. Yet in turn, these
actors have fraudulently become the representatives of the whole of a supposed
“Islamist” branch of Egyptian society on the one hand, and the opposition
“Secularist Liberal” movement on the other; predominantly as a result of
various branches of media portraying them to be so. There is no room left in
the debate for any other public opinion or political party: “you’re either with
us or against us”.
As a result of this
media control and manipulation, any grass-roots movement or actual collective
public voice outside of the two dominant belligerents is marginalised, whilst
civil movements that become effective in relaying the message of opposing
mass-movements are quickly hijacked or oppressed by dominant power, ie:
powerful religious/social organisations or the military/political/corporate
elite. Accordingly, the political doctrines and demands – and indeed the actual
political and civil courses of action taken – are manipulated and led in
directions that meet the dominant structures needs to survive or increase its
relative power. In this type of Elitist structured media debate, the “people”
can only be represented by a particular “side” of a very limited amount of
parties – often portrayed from extreme ends of the respective political
spectrum. These “sides” are predominantly made-up of corporate relics of
regimes and power-structures of the past; (feloul and the Brotherhood in
Egypt’s case) who in turn control the levers to mainstream political discourse.
In Egypt’s current and
ongoing crisis since the fall of the Mubarak regime, it was initially the
Muslim Brotherhood, with the aid of the Qatari Monarchy and its mouthpiece Al
Jazeera, that usurped the Egyptian publics oppression and subsequent dissent;
(while them and their supporters have also suffered much oppression of their
own) eventually riding an anti-Mubarakist/Military sentiment to power in a low
turn-out election. Merely a year later it appears the Mubarak bourgeoisie,
behind the cover of the massive popular dissent directed at the Brotherhood’s
inability to change policies and rule effectively, have inserted themselves to
the throne of representation; primarily due to their respective ability to
manipulate the debate and its ensuing political consequences, along with those
that dominate it (corporate media) propagating them to such positions.
Whether you agree with
the coup or not, the publics voice, and in turn its civil actions and political
consequences have been hijacked, and replaced by that of dominant Elitists that
claim to represent them, in this case the military. The media vehicles that
propagate that unending dynamic enable dominant parties to hold on to power by
promoting figureheads and political actors that suit their owners needs, (both
foreign and domestic) before the needs and collective demands of the public.
The longer the
dominant power structures are able to control and manipulate the media and
mainstream political discourse to create illusory, and real, divisions within
any impoverished and subservient society (including “the West”); the longer
those power structures will remain dominant; be they the Muslim Brotherhood, or
the Egyptian military.
West war crimes
in Syria exposed
 |
| A victim of the Western backed Syrian rebels |
By
Finian Cunningham
There
was a time during the 30-month covert dirty war on Syria when the Western
governments and mainstream media would make a clamor over reported massacres.
Now, despicably, these governments and media just ignore such atrocities.
Why?
Because it is increasingly clear that the groups committing these crimes
against thousands of Syrian civilians are the foreign-backed mercenaries, whom
the Western media and their governments have tried to lionize as “rebels”
fighting for “democratic freedom”.
That
charade is rapidly disintegrating, exposing not just criminal Western
governments sponsoring the violence against civilians, but an entire media
industry that is also guilty of war crimes through its willful
complicity.
This
is not mere hyperbole. To disseminate false information and lies about conflict
- under the guise of independent news - is to be complicit in covering up war
crimes. You can hardly get more serious misconduct than to tell lies about
crimes against humanity.
These
toxic lies and propaganda are now being exposed as the Western-backed plot to
subvert the sovereign state of Syria unravels; this unraveling is accentuated
by the West’s death squads becoming even more unhinged as they stare at looming
defeat at the hands of the Syrian army.
The
latest massacre occurred in the town of Khan al-Assal in the northern province
of Aleppo. Some 150 people, mostly civilians, were reportedly slaughtered in
cold blood. Many of the victims were shot in the head execution-style. The
groups claiming responsibility are the al-Qaeda-linked al-Nusra Front and Ansar
al Khalifa.
Reliable
sources say that the killers tried to cover up their barbaric crimes by
mutilating the corpses and burning the remains. Only days before this orgy of
murder, the same groups are believed to have massacred at least seven civilians
in the town of Maqbara in the province of Hasakah.
Elsewhere,
as the Syrian national army makes searing advances against the militants, it is
apparent from the identities of the dead that the majority of these fighters
are foreigners, from Saudi Arabia, Libya, Jordan, Turkey, as well as from the
US and Europe, including Britain, France and Germany.
Just
last week, it was reported that Saudi Arabia bought $50 million-worth of heavy
arms from Israel to supply this foreign network in its endeavor to terrorize
the people of Syria into submission.
Already,
the US, Britain and France have stumped up over $200 million which they claim
is provided to “the Syrian opposition” in the form of “non-lethal aid”.
This
is just cynical semantics to cover up the fact that the Western governments and
their regional Turk, Arab and Israeli proxies are sponsoring genocide in
Syria.
Over
the weekend as the mass murders in Khan al-Assal and Maqbara emerged there was
a telling silence in the Western media. A cursory glance at outlets such
as New York Times,Washington Post, Voice of America,
the Guardian, BBC, France 24, Deutsche Welle, Reuters, among
others, showed no or negligible reports on the atrocities.
A
notable exception was the London-based Financial Times, which
headlined: “Syria opposition condemns rebel attack”. The FT tried
to obfuscate the mass murder of civilians by claiming that “extremist rebels”
had executed captured Syrian army soldiers and by giving prominence to
condemnation of the “abuses” by the exile non-entity group, the Syrian National
Coalition.
Similar
Western silence followed another massacre last month in the village of Hatlah
in the eastern province of Deir al-Zour. In mid-June, more than 60 mainly Shia
inhabitants were slaughtered again by Western-backed foreign militants. Most of
the victims were women and children. Syrian government appeals for
international condemnation at the United Nations were ignored.
Contrast
this void in Western government and media reaction to earlier massacres. In May
and June 2012, the Western media went viral with reports of mass killings in
the villages of Houla and Qubair where some 108 and 78 inhabitants were
murdered, many of them with throats slit. Immediately, the Western media then
claimed or implied that the perpetrators were Syrian state forces and roundly
condemned President Bashar al-Assad.
Back
then US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton accused Assad of “ruling by murder
and fear” and led the chorus of Western governments calling for Assad to step
down.
It
later transpired that the Houla and Qubair massacres were the work of the
Western-backed foreign militants. But Western media did not follow-up with
corrective reporting. This is the conduct of a propaganda ministry, not
independent journalism.
The
same propaganda formula of sensationalist headlines and innuendo, with minimal
evidence, was repeated in subsequent massacres, such as in Tremseh in July
2012, or the bomb attack on Aleppo University in January this year in which
more than 80 were killed. Also in that same month, more than 100 bodies were
fished out of the Queiq River in the Bustan al-Qasr district of Aleppo - all of
those victims with gunshot wounds to the head. Never mind that the district was
under the control of foreign militants, the Western media continued their campaign
of innuendo that it was the Syrian state forces that carried out the
executions.
The
Syrian government has consistently alleged that all these mass killings are the
work of Western-backed militants. This sickening terrorist methodology
concatenates with the Takfiri mentality of killing everyone who is deemed to be
an infidel - Sunni, Shia, Alawite, Christian, non-believer alike, who does not
subscribe to their fundamentalist twisted theology.
It
is entirely in keeping that Western governments and Wahhabi Arab despots
sponsor such groups given the long history of collusion between these
protagonists, going back to the creation of al-Qaeda by Western military
intelligence in Afghanistan during the 1980s to fight the then Soviet-backed
government in Kabul.
The
indiscriminate murder of civilians in wholesale massacres by Western-backed
death squads operating in Syria to overthrow the Assad government is also
consistent with the countless no-warning car bombs that have ripped through
markets, streets, hospitals and schools all across Syria. Days before the
latest slaughter in Khan al-Assal, a car bomb killed at least 10 in the
Jaramana district of the capital, Damascus.
A
few months earlier, another deadly bomb attack also targeted Jaramana, killing
more than 30. The district is a mixed community of Muslim, Christian and Druze,
which is largely supportive of the Assad government. As with the many other
massacres in Syria, the aim is to terrorize the civilian population, to sow
sectarianism and to coerce the populace to relinquish support for the
government.
As
the foreign criminal conspiracy to force regime change in Syria flounders -
with the turning point being the Syrian army victory in Qusayr early last month
- the Western-sponsored terrorists are resorting to more and more desperate
methods. This depravity was manifested yet again in the slaughter of civilians
in Khan al-Assal and Maqbara. Tragically and despicably, we can expect more
such atrocities in the coming weeks and months as the Western criminal
conspiracy suffers more defeats.
But
what is truly remarkable is how the Western governments and their propaganda
machine, known euphemistically as the mainstream news media, are ignoring these
latest massacres. That is because their vile game is up. They can no longer
dissimulate on the reality of who is carrying out these massacres and how it is
all part of a criminal genocidal campaign directed from Washington, London and
Paris. That is why they are feigning to ignore such atrocities. To look into them
honestly would uncover the ugly face of Western imperialism and the
unconscionable role played all along by so-called Western news media.
Meanwhile,
proper journalistic services like Press TV that are reporting the reality of
what the Western governments are really doing in Syria via their death squads
are being banned from satellite networks controlled by Western
authorities.
Indeed,
a very real extension of this censorship is how Press TV correspondent Maya
Nasser was murdered last September by Western-backed death squads in Damascus
for the very reason that he was helping to uncover the truth about what is
being inflicted on Syria. Assassination is just an extreme act of censorship,
as the Irish playwright George Bernard Shaw once noted.
Western
government and media silence over the latest massacres in Syria is not just a
matter of indifference or sloppy journalism. It is indicative of their
complicity in the covert genocidal war on Syria.
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