As the ordinary members of the NPP grieve over their loss of the
just-ended elections, information reaching The Insight indicates that some of
the crucial reasons for the defeat of the NPP could be found on the doorsteps
of the NPP itself. Rather than blame others for their defeat, the information
reveals several own-goals that the party leadership and their some of their
parliamentary candidates scored.
For example, in the Western Region,
the difference between the NPP and the NDC candidates in the parliamentary elections
for Sefwi Wiawso was less than 6,000 votes, whereas the difference between
President Mahama and Nana Akufo-Addo was over 11,000 votes.
Jake Obetsebi Lamptey, NPP Chairman |
Similarly in the Akontombra
constituency, whereas the NPP parliamentary vote was just around 6,000 less
than the NDC vote, the NPP presidential vote saw Nana Addo scoring less than
8,000 less than the NDC’s John Mahama. In the Bia-West constituency, the margin
between the NPP and NDC parliamentary votes was 16,000 in favour of the NDC;
whereas the margin between the two parties in the presidential vote was nearly
21,000 in favour of the NDC.
This pattern ran through most of the
regions and constituencies throughout the country. There is a constituency in
the Western Region where the NPP candidate was known to be distributing GH¢20 to each known or perceived
NDC supporters to vote for him for parliament, saying they could vote for their
preferred presidential candidate.
He was
even known to be distributing monies to tenant-farmers from the Northern
Regions with the argument that “I cannot ask you to vote against your Northern
brother; but as for the parliamentary side, it is between two non-northerners;
so take this money and vote for me”. It appeared to work; as he secured 4,000
more votes than Nana Akufo Addo’s tally. He was so devastated by the results
that three days after the count, he was not receiving visitors,
In the
Aowin constituency, the NDC’s President Mahama received over 2,000 more votes
than the NDC parliamentary candidate; while the NPP’s Nana Akufo-Addo received
2,000 votes less than his parliamentary candidate.
Another
own-goal factor appeared to be the NPP’s unashamed display of ethnic chauvinism
during the campaign. For example, Ursula’s Owusu’s anti-northern outburst on TV
was highlighted in some of the rural areas where there were Northern
communities.
According
to Ursula Owusu, (NPP candidate), had it not been for free education,
Northerners such as President Mahama would by now be herding cattle. There was
also the highly prejudicial and offensive claim that voting for Mahama would
mean the spitting of kola on the walls of the Castle or Flagstaff House.
In some
of the rural areas, the NDC kept playing on their loudspeakers, insults that
were heaped on Northerners by Kennedy Agyapong. His angry outbursts against
Alhaji Bature which suggested that Northerners are “watchmen”, and
“cattle-herders” with cracked soles, were received with anger by several
Northern communities.
A farmer
of northern extraction in the Juaboso constituency (WR) was angry that NPP
people were saying that there was free education in the north. According to
him, he had to migrate to the south to undertake farming precisely because his
parents did not have money to pay his school fees. “There is no free education
in the North. After the Matemeho people abolished it, soon after the overthrow
of Nkrumah, how can they say that we in the north receive free education?
Because they are saying this, some people in this village are now laughing at
me that I did not go to school although we had free education. It is not true.
They are liars. I will not vote for them.” He stated.
In the
same ethnocentric vein, some of the NPP campaigners were heard (through their
campaign vehicles) asking people to vote for “nipa papa” (proper human being)
this year. What was meant by that was not lost on people who were northerners
or those against ethnic hegemony.
Another
likely factor that went against the NPP was their Presidential candidate
himself. His demeanour and utterances did not endear him to the hearts of many
voters. His tribal outburst of “we Akans” was frowned upon by communities who
resent any claim to Akan supremacy over their own ethnic group. There are
people technically classified as Akans but who are not Twi speaking. They
therefore see themselves as being different from Twi/Akans and would resent any
suggestion of Twi supremacy.
Then
there was the NPP youth organiser who was on record to have stated that they
were going to target “Ayigbe Brigadiers” (Ewe soldiers). Mr. Kennedy Agyapong
(NPP MP for Assin North) did not help the cause of the NPP when he declared war
on Ewes and Gas.
In
relation to ethnic chauvinism, Kennedy Agyapong singularly did the most damage
to the reputation of the NPP by offending the sensibilities of Ewes, Gas and
“Northerners”.
Perhaps,
if the NPP cares about being in government again, they should advise their
spokesmen to watch their mouths from now on.
NPP’S “WO’NKYE NDZI”
POLICY
It was a leader of the Popular Front
Party (PFP), Mr. Victor Owusu, who described the Ewe people as “inward
looking”. The present-day NPP is made up of members/supporters of the PFP and
the United National Convention (UNC), of which Nana Akufo Addo was a leading
member. The facts, however, show that
when NPP gets political power, they prove to be the most inward-looking cabal
that the nation has ever known.
Former President John Agyekum Kufuor |
In their 2012 Manifesto, they promised to provide “affordable housing
for Ghanaians eager to buy their own houses”.
Between 2000 and 2008 when the NPP was in power, they showed what they mean by
providing affordable housing for Ghanaians. They only shared the houses among
themselves, their children and relatives, as well as their workers. Of course,
all those who had them were all Ghanaians.
However, Ghanaians who were not related to NPP leaders were
excluded. Please find below how the NPP distributed the few houses that they
began to build.
BENEFICIARY
|
ADDRESS OF
BENEFICIARY
|
ALLOCATION
|
|
Stephen Owusu-Sekyere
|
235 Airport West, Accra (President Kufuor's
House)
|
C1/9 Block E, Kpone-Tema
|
|
Nana Boakye Kufuor
|
235 Airport West, Accra (President Kufuor's
House)
|
C1/10 Block E, Kpone-Tema
|
|
Nana Bema Kufuor
|
P.O. Box 4449, Accra
|
C12/2 Block I, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Hajia Aisha
|
235 Airport West, Accra (President Kufuor's
House)
|
Unnumbered Block, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Nana Akomea
|
NPP, Head of Nana
Akufo Addo’s Communications Team, P.O. Box NK 345, North Kaneshie, Accra
|
C3/5 Block I,
Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Cpl. Daniel Nyame
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C10/1 Block B, Kpone-Tema
|
|
Eric Mensah-Bonsu
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C17/12 Block F, Kpone-Tema
|
|
Joseph Obeng-Poku
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C17/13 Block F, Kpone-Tema
|
|
Richard Gaisie
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C17/14 Block F, Kpone-Tema
|
|
Sgt. H.O. Manu
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C2/10 Block B, Kpone-Tema
|
|
Sgt. Thomas Addae
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C2/11 Block B, Kpone-Tema
|
|
Const. Jonas Ampofo
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C2/12 Block B. Kpone, Tema
|
|
Cpl. Emmanuel Bordoh
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C2/14 Block B, Kpone-Tema
|
|
Cpl. Robert Owusu
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C2/16 Block B, Kpone-Tema
|
|
Mr. Adu Acheampong-Sarpong
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C2/2 Block B, Kpone-Tema
|
|
Cpl. Hansel Yeboah
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C2/3 Block B, Kpone-Tema
|
|
Mark Kyei Ahengua
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C2/4 Block B, Kpone-Tema
|
|
PW/Cpl Joyce Asare
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C2/5 Block B, Kpone-Tema
|
|
SGt. Peter Kwarteng
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C2/6 Block B, Kpone-Tema
|
|
Sgt Evans Kesseh
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C2/9 Block B, Kpone-Tema
|
|
E.O. Frimpong
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C4/2 Block A. Kpone, Tema
|
|
Kwadwo Bonsu
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C4/3 Block A, Kpone-Tema
|
|
George Oduro
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C4/4 Block A. Kpone, Tema
|
|
Kofi Afriyie
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C4/5 Block A, Kpone, Tema
|
|
Sarfo Addo
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C4/6 Block A, Kpone-Tema
|
|
ASP E.R. Asante
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C4/8 Block A, Kpone-Tema
|
|
E.K Frimpong
|
VVIPU, Castle, Osu
|
C1/7 Block E, Kpone-Tema
|
|
Bonsu Kwadwo
|
VVIPU, Castle, Osu
|
C1/5 Block E, Kpone-Tema
|
|
Issaka Samande
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C1/1 Block E, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Fuseini Salifu
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C1/6 Block E. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Yakubu Iddrisu
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C1/7 Block E. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
A.S.P. Paul K. Nsowah
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C2/1 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
L/C F.J. Narh
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C2/13 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
L/Cpl Bokyerewa
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C2/15 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
ADC Obed Akwa
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C2/2 Block B Borteyman, Nungua
|
|
ACP Nana Bediako Poku
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C2/3 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Cpl. Kwadwo Tuffuor
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C2/3 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Lt. Col. Akohen-Mensah
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C2/4 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Supt Okyere Darko
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C2/5 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
DSP Corfie
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C2/6 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
DSP Kofie
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C2/6 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
A.S.P. Kingsley Amankwah
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C2/7 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
L/Cpl Baffoe-Antwi
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C2/7 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Sgt. Emmanuel Borden
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C2/8 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Insp. Peter Boadu
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C2/8 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
A.S.P Anthony Omane
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C3/1 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Cpl. Owusu Antwi
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C3/3 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Sgt. P.S.K. Asiome
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C3/4 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
L/Cpl John Larbi
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C3/5 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Sgt. B.O Lamptey
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C3/6 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Abigail Baah
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C3/7 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Sgt. Samuel Agyalewah
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C3/8 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
PW/Insp. Patricia Akuamoah Boateng
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C4/2 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
PWC/Insp. Mary Watts Amissah
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C4/4 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
PWC Juliana Siaw
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C4/5 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Insp Obeng Awisi
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C4/7 Block A, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Patrick Manu
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C4/7 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Insp. Victor Kwakye
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C4/8 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Cpl. Kwadwo Tuffuor
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C8/2 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Sgt Clement Nimako
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C9/1 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
PW/Insp. Patricia Akuamoah Boateng
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C9/2 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Insp. K.O. Kumi
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C9/3 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
PWC/Insp. Mary Watts Amissah
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C9/4 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Insp. Love Ayensu
|
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
|
C9/6 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Baaba Mensah
|
Castle, Osu
|
C4/20 Block H. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Alhaji Alhassan Aliu
|
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
|
C8/11 Block H, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Gandah Labiri
|
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
|
C1/11 Block E, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Mohammed Musah
|
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
|
C2/2 Block E, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Hassan Gabga
|
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
|
C1/5 Block E, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Awaab Achumpari
|
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
|
C1/10Block E, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Awudu Alidu
|
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
|
C1/9 Block E, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Nashiru Soale
|
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
|
Unnumbered House, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Shamsudeen Mahama
|
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
|
Asokore Mampong, Kumasi
|
|
Alhaji Armiyao Haruna
|
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
|
C12/8 Block I, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Alhassan Ziblim
|
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
|
C1/3 Block E. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Madam Salma Kadiri
|
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
|
C127 Block I. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Abdul Rahaman Salisu
|
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
|
C14/1 Block B, Kpone-Tema
|
|
Abdul Wahab Alhassan
|
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
|
C13/1 Block B, Kpone-Tema
|
|
Fayad Mahama
|
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
|
C12/6 Block I. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Yakubu Adam
|
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
|
C1/8 Block E. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Mohammed Awal Ziblim
|
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
|
C1/4 Block E. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Victoria Boaten-Sarpong
|
c/o Hon. Asamoah Boateng (Minister of
Information
|
C6/5 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Zuleika Lornia
|
c/o Hon. Asamoah Boateng (Minister of
Information
|
C6/6 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Rex Ohemeng
|
c/o Hon. Asamoah Boateng (Min. Of Information)
|
C6/4 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua Accra
|
|
Dr. Abena Amoako
|
c/o Hon. A. Osei Adjei
(Min of Foreign Affairs)
|
C8/7 Block C. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Rita Adoma
|
c/o Hon. A. Osei Adjei, (Min of Foreign
Affairs)
|
C6/13 Block A, Asokore Mampong, Kumasi
|
|
Ivy Apraku
|
c/o Hon. A. Osei Adjei (Minister of Foreign
Affairs)
|
C8/6 Block C Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Akua Konadu
|
c/o Hon. A. Osei Adjei (Minister of Foreign
Affairs)
|
C6/14 Block A Asokore Mampong, Kumasi
|
|
Afuah Pomaa
|
c/o Hon. D.K. Fobih
(Min of Education)
|
C7/1 Block J. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Yaw Tandoh
|
c/o Hon. D.K. Fobih
(Min of Education)
|
C4/7 Block J. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Abena Akobin
|
c/o Hon. D.K. Fobih
(Min of Education)
|
C4/8 Block J, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Kwaku Kutin
|
c/o Hon. Dr. D.K. Fobih (NPP Mins of
Education)
|
C7/2 Block J, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Kofi Poku
|
c/o Hon S.K. Boafo (Minister of Chieftaincy
Affairs)
|
C13/11 Block F, Kpone-Tema
|
|
David Kwabena Adade
|
c/o Hon S.K. Boafo (Minister of Chieftaincy
Affairs)
|
C13/13 Block F, Kpone-Tema
|
|
Hon. S.K. Boafo
|
Minister of Chieftaincy Affairs, Accra
|
C13/12 Block F, Kpone-Tema
|
|
Hon. Nii Adu Darku Mante
|
(NPP MP)
|
C8/3 Block I Borteyman, Nungua
|
|
Hon. Nii Adu Darku Mante
|
(NPP MP)
|
C4/3 Block I Borteyman, Nungua
|
|
Hon. Bintim Charles Binipon
|
NPP MP, Mins of Local Government, Box 42, Saboba, N/R
|
C4/1 Block I, Borteyman, Nungua Accra
|
|
Hon. Abangah Abdulai (NPP MP)
|
P.O. Box AD 999, Adabraka
|
C4/2 Block I Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Hon. Abangah Abdulai (NPP MP)
|
P.O. Box AD 999, Adabraka
|
C8/2 Block I Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Mohammed Amin Anta
|
NPP Parliamentary
Candidate
P.O.Box 1211, Cantonments, Accra |
C1/5 Block C,
Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Hon. Oppey Abbey (NPP MP)
|
Parliament
|
C8/3 Block C. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
David Aidoo
|
c/o Hon Gladys Asmah, (NPP Mins of Fisheries)
|
C7/3 Block J Borteyman, Nungua
|
|
104.
|
Vincent Yaw Kusi
|
c/o Hon Gladys Asmah, (NPP Mins of Fisheries)
|
C7/4 Block J Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
Elizabeth Donkoh
|
c/o Hon Gladys Asmah, (NPP Mins of Fisheries)
|
C7/5 Block J Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Elsie Panyin Ansah
|
c/o Hon S. Owusu Agyei (MOPSR)
|
C1/5 Block J Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Jeff Armoo Brown
|
c/o Hon S. Owusu Agyei (MOPSR)
|
C1/4 Block J Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
K. Siakah
|
c/o Prof. Ameyaw Akumfi (NPP MP)
|
C13/10 Block F, Kpone-Tema
|
|
Francis Quaye
|
c/o Prof. Ameyaw Akumfi (NPP MP)
|
C13/8 Block F, Kpone-Tema
|
|
Kofi Korsah
|
c/o Prof. Ameyaw Akumfi (NPP MP)
|
C13/9 Block F, Kpone-Tema
|
|
Ibrahim Baryeh
|
Chairman of Lands Commission, Accra
|
C5/6 Block B Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
|
|
Nana Juaben-Boateng
|
NPP Chief Director, Mins of Finance
|
C8/3 Block C, Borteyman, Nungua Accra
|
|
Margaret Baah Wiredu
|
Box 11297, Accra North
|
C8/1 Block C,
Borteyman, Nungua Accra
|
Next time Nana Akomea makes noise about the NDC government
not completing those houses, ask him about No. 5 on this list. We genuinely
feel sorry for ordinary NPP supporters who continue to believe that an NPP
government will serve their interests.
EDITORIAL
Bad
losers, Bad company
It has become a trademark of
the adherents of the Danquah tradition not to accept defeat with grace.
Throughout the history of Ghana, these people have never accepted the outcome
of any election that they lose as free and fair.
They complained about the
results of the 1956 elections, and as a result, boycotted the Independence Day
celebration of Ghana. They never accepted the results of the 1960 Presidential
elections in which Kwame Nkrumah beat J.B Danquah by 89.1% to 10.9%.
In the 1979 elections, the PFP
was unhappy about the loss to the PNP although the Danquah wing of the United
Party (UNC) supported Dr. Limann’s PNP in the second round. When they lost to
the NDC in 1992, the NPP claimed that the elections were rigged. They were so
adamant that they refused to participate in parliamentary business for four
years. They wrote “The Stolen Verdict”.
True to form, they complained
against he results of the 1996 elections as well. It was only when they won in
2000 that they accepted that the elections were fair. In 2004, although by all
indications, they lost the elections, Professor Mills, for the sake of peace
conceded defeat.
In 2008, the NPP were so
peeved by the loss to the NDC that they even attempted to plant dead bodies in
the Volta Region to support their false claims that their polling agents had
been killed. Now in 2012, they are at it again.
As far back 2011, the NPP were
saying that any result, apart from a win would be considered as a flawed
result. That is why they are behaving badly after losing fair and square to the
NDC.
It is time they are told in no
uncertain terms that NPP people are not better than anybody in this country.
Those among them who are now wreaking mayhem on innocent individuals should be
brought to book. The NPP are not people who would accept it even if you turn
the other cheek them as long as you do not give them power.
As Pastor Otabil said, such
“All die be die” people are bad company. They should be stopped in their
tracks. They do not have more rights than anybody else in the country. Enough
is enough.
Ministers to prepare handing over notes
From:
Ghana/Ministry of Information
Vice President Amissah Arthur |
Vice
President and Transition Team Chairman Kwesi Bekoe Amissah-Arthur has directed
all Ministers of State to begin preparing their handing over notes in
compliance with the provisions of the Presidential (Transitions) Act of 2013,
Act 845.
A statement signed by Minister for Information Fritz Baffuor said the directive follows the inaugural meeting of the Transition Team in Accra this morning. A deadline for the submission of these notes will be announced after the Team’s next meeting on Friday December 14, 2012.
On Wednesday, President John Dramani Mahama inaugurated the 24-member Transition Team chaired by the Vice President. They are required to, among other things, make comprehensive practical arrangements to regulate the transfer of political administration to the new administration that will be sworn in on January 07, 2013.
A statement signed by Minister for Information Fritz Baffuor said the directive follows the inaugural meeting of the Transition Team in Accra this morning. A deadline for the submission of these notes will be announced after the Team’s next meeting on Friday December 14, 2012.
On Wednesday, President John Dramani Mahama inaugurated the 24-member Transition Team chaired by the Vice President. They are required to, among other things, make comprehensive practical arrangements to regulate the transfer of political administration to the new administration that will be sworn in on January 07, 2013.
ECOWAS
in Mali: GEO Economic and Strategic Insights
By EL Harun Muhammad
Mali as far back as 12
century A.D was centripetal force in commerce, scholarship and statecraft .Its
rich intellectual tradition was symbolized by Sankore University in Timbuktu.
It was known to have
trained honest tradesmen who saw their business in the society as community
service, with profit making as secondary. It produced administrators whose
expertise in state craft and treasury management was selfless and exemplary.
Its cream of jurists made dispensation of justice a hallmark in the celebrated
Mali Empire. Its known Gold wealth sharpened its role in trans-Saharan trade
that almost integrated West and North Africa into Mediterranean, the example of
one of its leaders, Mansa Musa and his donations to Saudi Arabia, long before
they discovered oil portrayed the international importance Mali had.
Captain Thomas Sankara |
Among the scholars it has
produced are the likes of Sheikh Muhammad Bagayoyi (1552-1593), Sheikh Ahmad
Baba Al Massufi Al Timbuktu (1556-1627) and Sheikh Sidi Mukhtar Al Kunti
(1728-1911). They not only spread knowledge and promoted scholarship but showed
an exemplary life on how knowledge instills moral excellence and communal
obligations .
By 1774, Mali was at its pinnacle, influencing changes and
political reforms across West Africa. The influence of Sankore scholars on
Sheikh Usman Dan Fodio, as an example, the 19th century
Nigerian revolutionary scholar resulted in revolution and formation of new
political system in what Professor Walter Rodney described Sokoto caliphate, by
product of his revolution as, one of the greatest empire in Africa. That was
the time United States of America was struggling for independence from Britain,
after earlier colonial subjugation by various European colonial powers. Mali
was already leading economic block, independent political system, intellectual
fountain, indeed a civilization at a time when US was organizing itself for self
rule to begin with.
Today Mali
supplies about 6% of world Gold resource and strategically part of Gulf of
Guinea by virtue of the 2 Guineas; source of 24% of US oil needs, higher than
Persian Gulf, with 17% from the Guinea and Chad. A year earlier, General
William Ward, then commander of AFRICOM was in Nigerian air force base Abuja,
Nigeria for the closing ceremony of US European Command Operation Africa
Endeavour , an Interoperability and Information training conducted for
Nigeria, Benin, Cameroon, Chad, Burkina Faso, Mali, Sierra Leone, Senegal,
Ghana, The Gambia, Rwanda, Kenya, Lesotho, Malawi, Namibia, Botswana,
Cape Verde and Uganda.
By 2009, US has foreseen the strategic
significance of this geography in a military endeavour exercise it conducted
for ECOWAS, and including Benin, Gabon, Ghana and Nigeria among many in
Gabon under the US military command known as AFRICO. It was a training that
included the second largest communications exercise in the world. Not only have
US, NATO seemed fully involved in the wars that are planned in Africa.
Surprisingly, this was the AFRICOM vehemently opposed by the entire African
continent when US announced its formation in 2005, and was forced out of the
continent to Kelley Barracks, Stuttgart, Germany. In Mali, AU and ECOWAS
would only served as proxies, considering the number of dead US-NATO are
recording in IRAQ, Somalia and Afghanistan. African soldiers would now do the
fight while Washington, Brussels and other European capitals control the
resources.
In part, the UN resolution assigning the proxy role on ECOWAS, calls
in part: on UN member states, regional and International organizations to
provide coordinated assistance, expertise and capacity building support .
According to pro NATO think tank, Atlantic council ,the Gulf of
Guinea is at the brink of becoming a greater supplier of energy to the United
States than the Persian Gulf and is therefore of far higher strategic
importance than has historically been the case. Nigeria-US bi-national
commission was one of the legal tools Washington employed in 2011 to give cover
to its military takeover of the Gulf in what the documents called: vehicle for
security cooperation, including maritime security”. Gulf of Guinea described a
Washington policy paper, “nexus of vital US foreign policy priorities”. NATO
has already been redesigned to have the swift ability to deploy 21,000 troops
in case of needs outside its traditional zone of operations.
This includes
resource rich Africa. Thus, the rebellion in Mali, the coup and now the UN
resolution to use ECOWAS as a fighter group are preludes, carefully contrived
for NATO engagement in Gulf of Guinea. Algeria may not survive the scheme,
being the largest country in Africa and third supplier of oil. Also needs for
effective exploitation of Mediterranean lane and Indian Ocean for smooth flow
of goods, is one of the calculation that AU is now mobilized into Somalia
through Kenya.
War on Terror is always the ground, pretext if you like for
launching profound military invasion and destruction. UN and US policy
documents throughout 2012 are trying to establish the linkages between the main
Al-Qaida, Al-Qaida in Maghreb and the various Ansars and Boko Haram. If at all
they mean anything different. Once this is done, full scale US led military
adventures are justified. According to John Brennan,(closest) Special Adviser
to President Obama on counterterrorism and home Security Adviser, Whom New York
times describes as ‘Obama’s Drone “priest” states: …We’re not going to rest
until Al Qaida the organization is destroyed and is eliminated from areas in
Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen, Africa and others’. But the rate and scale at
which troops are mobilized into Africa has deeper agenda. The $24 trillion
mineral deposit in Kinshasa has already attracted US bases in Djibouti,
Kampala, and Darfur. Bangui, Mogadishu, among other places.
The scenery
suggests Boko Haram in Nigeria, Ansasusharia in Libya, Ansasudeen in Mali are
all designed to provide ground for US-NATO re-colonisation of Africa. Nigeria
the richest country in the continent, its population resource alone which is
drawing soft actors like Bill Gates to launch population related activities is
a strategic war already. As regular visitor to the country, the Bill Gate
Foundation was formally registered as International NGO in Nigeria.
The spillover
of eliminated Gaddafi and destroyed Libya is what brings the rebellion in Mali.
The strategic objective is to give absolute access to US from the southern
border of Libya to entire North Africa, Central and the western Africa The
extensive reserves of Uranium in Niger, Cocoa in Ivory coast and above all the
Oil in Guinea, combine to make Mali a spotlight that would soon become war zone
for the balkanization of the sub region. With US troops all over, its
intelligence network within the waves of the Arab spring would continue to
weaken French control over Tunisia, Morocco and Algeria. Thus with USNATO
puppet governments in place, Washington would not only be the grand imperial
force in Africa, but making the 21st century
truly New American century. Countries like Nigeria, Niger, Liberia, Cote
d’Ivoire, and Senegal are already pupating.
ECOWAS
–Economic Community of West African States is the organ that would fight the
rebels in Mali and restore order. Influential African heads of Governments like
Nigeria’s President, Goodluck Ebele Jonathan are at the fore front of
advocating ECOWAS to engage in this profound military adventure .Together with
Malian Prime Minister, they called, before the 64th session of
United Nations General Assembly for an International collaboration to fight the
rebels .Francois Hollande of France very strongly defined the rebellion in Mali
as threat not only to Africa but Europe as well. To smoothen the adventure UN
passed resolution for the ECOWAS undertaking immediately. The resolution serves
as legal ground for the war that would happen in Mali. This would be done
through African Union framework for the ECOWAS adventure. On the roles the
continental and regional organizations are set to do ,a declassified
Intelligence assessment prepared as part of Nation Security Review 30
concluded that post-cold war developments in Africa provided both ,”significant
opportunities for, and obstacle to US interest—Africa’s regional or sub regional
organizations…….(have) potential utility for the achievements of US foreign
policy objectives”. Here lies the connection between ECOWAS adventure and Geo
strategic, cultural and economic interests of Euro-America not only in Mali but
West Africa and the continent as a whole.ECOWAS was established essentially “to
facilitate economic integration of West African States as a key to the rapid
socio economic development of the sub region.” It is in this objective the treaty that brought the organization
was signed (May 1975) over 35 years now. In pursuance of this 57 protocols and
conventions have been adopted; of these, only 3 protocols border on military
engagement .In fact the first one signed in 1978 was the protocol on non
aggression, clearly defining, the boundary of ECOWAS not to interfere in the
internal affairs of member states, indicating respect to independence of members.
The second was the protocol on mutual assistance on Defense 1981. Sequel to the
conflicts in Liberia (1989-2,03) ,Sierra Leone (1990- 2001),Guinea Bissau
(1997-1998) that marked the organisation’s extraordinary meeting IN Lome in
1997 on the mechanism for conflict management, peacekeeping and conflict
prevention. Two years later the protocol was ratified (ECOWAS, 1997, 1998,
1999).
Over 98% of
ECOWAS protocols were ratified on issues pertaining citizenships, trans-border
movements of goods and persons and other mechanics necessary to facilitate
economic development and integration of the sub region.
Less than 2% of the
protocols border on Defense and conflict management. And even this is an area
of great contention among experts. There is the argument that although ECOMOG
was constituted as ad hoc military force whose conduct in Liberian and Sierra
Leone was remarkable in the areas of intervention, peace enforcement and peace
keeping, the conceptual legality of the force and its modus operandi have all
violated the provisions of the protocol that provided military basis in the
first place. Articles 13 and 14 on the mutual defense assistance protocol talks
of Allied armed Forces of the Community (AAFC), who’s Commander, Headquarters
and finances would clearly be defined .In the area of finance, contribution
from all members becomes an obligation on all rather than the body’s Standing
Mediation Committee (SMC). Till now when the organization is set for another
encounter, AAFC has not been formed, amendment has not taken place to give
ground for ECOMOG, if it is the one to reincarnate again in Mali and beyond. No
any designated headquarters and worst of all USNATO and other European nations
would provide finances, logistics, trainings and all other supports needed for
ECOWAS troops. Clear violation of the mutual Defense Protocols.
Experience of Afghanistan and
Iraq has made the sponsors of ECOWAS to save lives of their citizens, By the
same token, lives of black people are much cheaper; worst still, Arab Leagues,
Gulf cooperation councils, etc should have been selected for similar military
engagements in the USNATO wars in Middle East and beyond.
In other words, one
would have expected deployment of troops from Economic Community of Central
African States (ECCAS) in the ongoing wars in Congo, East African Economic
Community in the war Kenya is fighting in Somalia, and in other places; Arab
Maghreb Union (AMU) should also have been financed in the Arab springs or
Southern African Development Cooperation (SADC) to fight Robert Mugabe. None
happens in these regions, fully occupied by US troops/bases. Only in West
Africa, ECOWAS paradoxically is the war machine.
ECOWAS, through
ECOMOG was accused of partiality as it took sides at long run in its
intervention; with the dominant role Nigeria played say it all;
questionable credibility as it supervised elections that triggered
further conflicts and legitimacy, legitimacy challenge as the legal provisions
and modus operandi fall short of the protocols on peace keeping and
intervention. The mere concentration of the body more on military than socio
economic activities has already limited the body as an economic organization.
These are against the backdrop of its persistently inconsistent ability to make
any appreciable policy in the areas of common custom, tariff and citizenship
policies. Common currency zone remain a mirage. Dates keep rescheduling and
deadlines always adjusted for the past 30 years.
The organization has woefully
failed to liaise with member states and partner with genuine interests to
provide access to basic services, boast Agriculture, help small scale /cottage
industries Quality education and improve investment climate in the sub region.
More than any other time the most vocal states in the organizations have the
most corrupt, incompetent, unaccountable governments. . These must have
contributed in spread of grudges, hatred, and enmity that generate conflicts
and even rebellions as in Mali. These must have further invited the imperial
powers to exploit the neocolonial characteristics in the ECOWAS leaders to
engage the organization in what would end up a full scale surrogate war.
It couldn’t or didn’t make any
serious effort to diffuse the colonial legacy of Anglo-francophone divide that
keeps stifling the organizational process . It has no clear humanitarian
intervention programmes even at times like this when the sub region is threaten
by drought, hunger and diseases for than any where or time in the world. The
poorest parts of the world are found here. And ECOWAS operates more as rhetoric
than an economic development instrument. From 1975-2005, ECOWAS economy grows
around 3.2% per annum. (Though is able to double somehow in the new
millennium). In 2008 GDP per capita of the region was $3076.41 per purchasing
power parity with France comparatively, at $50,642.3. Same France that sees war
as solution to this underdevelopment!
The attempt to redesign ECOWAS
into military force is an aberration .At best is a process to un-do its
objectives and all the protocols and conventions that would have consolidated
its institutional significance and operational imperatives. It is the greatest
irony that the most remarkable policy in ECOWAS history of about 4 decades is
its military adventure in Liberia and Sierra Leone. Mali is a proxy war EOWAS
is made to fight, the outcome would be most disastrous not only to the
organization but to the sub region and African continent as a whole. Though all
support is being mobilized for ECOWAS, the War is likely to be protracted and
therefore would at long run render it incapable which would subsequently bring
AFRICOM and NATO troops into the war, considering its spread beyond Mali. This
would mark the balkanisation and eventual re-colonisation of the continent
later than soonest, perhaps. The huge untapped resources in the context of the
economic meltdown Europe and America are experiencing.
There are many reasons to
question the eruption of rebellion in Mali considering how the country and the
sub region is effectively integrated in various US led schemes on International
war on Terror. For example Mali was part of Pan Sahelian Initiative (PSI), US
led project to provide security training and equipment. The programme was
designed to protect borders, track moment of people, combat terrorism and
enhance regional cooperation and stability.
This project had $7 million as take
off funds as far back November 2002.The special operations command
Europe were in Bamako ,Gao and Timbuktu where they provided foreign internal defense
training for the SPI, according to US European command website written by 1st Lt. Phillip Ulmer, 435th Air Base Wing
Public Affairs (March 4th 2004).
These types of programme became expanded in 2005 into Tran Saharan Counter
Terrorism Initiatives (TSCTI) with congressional approval of $500 million for 6
year period.
Key Training activity was Operation Enduring Freedom –Tran
Saharan Africa aimed at assisting governments to better control their territory
and to prevent long tracts of largely deserted African territory from becoming
safe haven for terrorist groups. These governments are : Mali, Algeria, Chad,
Mauritania ,Morocco, Niger, Senegal, Tunisia with additional members of Burkina
Faso, Libya and Nigeria By 2008, such trainings were transferred to wider and
more grounded agency: AFRICOM.
Comprehensive counter terror activities that
entailed border patrols, tracking movement of people training and logistics
that runs for about a decade only to hear coup d’état in Mali as a result of
attempts by terrorists to break the country away. Mali of all , that is central
in these US programmes fall in the trap .
One may be at
liberty to deduce that these elaborate counter terror activities breed the
terrorists, rather than countering them. Already Al-Qaida has threatened to
attack the ECOWAS member states if they attack the rebels. It also threatens
France. EU has announced deployment of 200 troops to provide logistics to
ECOWAS; this is addition to the earlier declaration to deploy key
military personals to support the Malian army. These naturally would include
intelligence officers and field commanders’ NATO is likely to be on ground as
well as Algeria registered its rejection of the ECOWAS force.
.A situation that looks
everything but staged managed: the counter-terror, the rebellion, the coup, and
the ECOWAS military engagement and AFRICOM NATO adventure that may come. With
the fall of Gaddafi, AFRICOM has announced 14 major military exercises in
African countries for 2012, including UBANGAME EXERCISE (for Nigeria at
Gulf of Guinea). With about 60 billion barrels of proven reserves, in
Libya alone, Gulf of Guinea as the second largest pool of oil resources after
Persian Gulf,80% of world coltan in Kinshasa,30% of world Diamond reserves with
total of about $24 trillion reserves of various strategic minerals in
Congo alone, not to talk of Algeria, southern Africa like Angola and Namibia,
there are every reasons for US to set its bases and expand its military
tentacles in Africa.
Gaddafi must have for seen this all out imperialist drive
to recolonise Africa for him to have strongly insisted for United States of
Africa. African leaders with defective thoughts and whimsical motives accused
Gaddafi of been ambitious to dominate Africa. He didn’t dominate Africa.
Euro-America would come to do worst .Whatever these military exercises and
trainings are named and coded, the final objective has been summarized by
General Carter Ham Africom Commander in a speech he delivered at Arlington
Virginia on June 26th 2012: “The absolute
imperative for the US military (is) to protect America, Americans and American
interests in our case (to) protect US from threats that may emerge from the
African continent.” This threat cannot be far from
emergence of Africans that are independent and ready to transform its resources
into Garden of Eden for its people.
With UN resolution, the
International Community would be there. What International Community means is a
subject of fresh discussion all together.
Nobody is talking about promoting
agriculture in West Africa which is the main stay of economic survival in the
sub region. A crucial sector for foreign investment and industrialization.
China, the only country that considers such potentials as assets for all is now
on a show down with Euro-America, not only in West Africa, or Africa, but in
the whole world. So also how penalized criminals are making their ways in to
government is not a concern to any. The fast lane on which Nigeria is
going into lawlessness and anarchy with an average of 10 different reported
killing, murder or related crime in national newspaper daily, and similar
average reporting of loots from public treasury has already concluded Nigerian
rating on the 2015 agenda (MDGs).
As Nigeria coordinates the attack
on West African sub region, Human development Index for the last 10 years on
average, rates the country among the most corrupt, poor countries in the World.
Paradoxically, same country that is put to anchor War from another angle. This
raises questions on the relationships between national security, poverty,
empowerment in Africa and the persistently domineering role International
imperialism does to perpetuate the dividing dynamics between Development and
Underdevelopment.
Algeria is against the proxy war
ECOWAS is set do. Egypt is also against it. As more African countries run
parallel to Nigeria/US/EU interest to wage war, what would be the scenery is
subject to a fresh analysis all together. It may change the pretext and the
timing, but the agenda to re-colonies would surely appear in new gab
As usual with mechanics of
control and domination, stooges are created and maintained as indispensables in
making the New World Order, Whom Walter Rodney describes as “sell-outs”.
Patriotic voices have to
co-ordinate their energies towards remaking of a truly independent Africa for
its resources to benefit its people and make balanced contribution to a fair
and just International order.
Egypt trapped in a
quandary
By Mohyeddin Sajedi
Massive rival protests in Cairo and
other important Egyptian cities in favor and against President Mohamed Morsi
ahead of a referendum on the Constitution have failed to resolve the Egyptian
crisis. The referendum is scheduled for next Saturday. If people say no, the
Constitution would be examined anew. But opponents are opposed to referendum in
principle and the presidency of Morsi. The ongoing upheavals in Egypt herald
new polarization in the North African country.
Egyptian President Mohammed Morsi |
The number of pro- or anti-Morsi demonstrators is unlikely to sway the voter
turnout in the plebiscite, because demarcations between political parties and
even people are so highlighted that they shatter any hope of compromise.
Morsi’s controversial decree and its annulment under pressure from massive street protests are indicative of his own and the influential pro-Morsi Muslim Brotherhood’s frustration. In a symbolic gesture, Morsi initially sent the army back to barracks in order to empty the country’s political scene of military presence, but now he feels he has no option but to resort to the army again and call on people to throng the streets in support of his decision. In order to calm people down, Morsi dropped his empowerment decree and lifted the value-added law. Negotiations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for receiving a 5-billion-dollar loan have been shelved and fulfillment of IMF condition for subsidy removal is likely to trigger street riots.
Barely does an hour pass without any news from Egypt. Tensions are running high. Some believe in revolutionary methods while some others say revolution would end in a new dictatorship.
The fresh dispute was touched off when Morsi increased his Constitutional power and announced a date for a referendum on the Constitution. After his surprise decisions, Morsi was compared with his predecessor Hosni Mubarak, referred to as the Pharaoh of Egypt.
Morsi’s controversial decree and its annulment under pressure from massive street protests are indicative of his own and the influential pro-Morsi Muslim Brotherhood’s frustration. In a symbolic gesture, Morsi initially sent the army back to barracks in order to empty the country’s political scene of military presence, but now he feels he has no option but to resort to the army again and call on people to throng the streets in support of his decision. In order to calm people down, Morsi dropped his empowerment decree and lifted the value-added law. Negotiations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for receiving a 5-billion-dollar loan have been shelved and fulfillment of IMF condition for subsidy removal is likely to trigger street riots.
Barely does an hour pass without any news from Egypt. Tensions are running high. Some believe in revolutionary methods while some others say revolution would end in a new dictatorship.
The fresh dispute was touched off when Morsi increased his Constitutional power and announced a date for a referendum on the Constitution. After his surprise decisions, Morsi was compared with his predecessor Hosni Mubarak, referred to as the Pharaoh of Egypt.
The problem is that Egypt remains
torn between the legitimacy of laws inherited from the former regime and the
legitimacy of the revolution which overthrew Mubarak two years ago. After the
revolution, the most symbolic move was the parliamentary election. But the
legislative vote was declared null and void because the Mubarak-era electoral
law was legally flawed. The parliament was closed so simply. Another example of
conflict of legitimacy is about the trial of “camel attackers” who violently
cracked down on anti-Mubarak protestors, killing and injuring a number of them.
All suspects won acquittal because the laws adopted by the former regime could
not indict them.
Morsi sacked the chief prosecutor, but he was reinstated because Mubarak-era laws did not authorize the president to dismiss the chief prosecutor who threatened to question the election of Morsi. The verdicts issued for Mubarak and his henchmen were so soft that they were even incredible for the former Egyptian ruler.
Egypt seems to have experienced no revolution and the only thing that has changed from the previous regime is the head of state. It is evident that a revolutionary establishment could not be administered by laws inherited from a regime against which people had revolted. That explains why Morsi’s patience ran thin soon and sought new authority even before a new Constitution is adopted. But there was no organ to empower him and he intervened in person.
That was the point which raised the
concerns of opposition about the formation of a new dictatorship in the
country. Opposition leaders are the defeated rivals of Morsi in the recent
presidential election. Nobody can accuse them of being mercenary of foreign
states.
A council set up to draft the Constitution submitted the draft law to the president to be put to a vote. The council was dominated by Muslim Brotherhood and Egyptian Salafis. Secular, Christian and national groups, and even representatives of Al-Azhar University pulled out of the council.
It is not clear if a party would win the ongoing political game in Egypt or comprise would be reached. A more significant challenge is that like in Tunisia, the revolution in Egypt had no leadership. Everyone feels to have led the revolution. Still worse, there was no premeditated program for the revolution and its future victory.
The US position vis-à-vis the ongoing crisis in Egypt remains shrouded in mystery. That is why many believe that Washington and Muslim Brotherhood have been in cahoots on the sly. The US maintains that no other group than Muslim Brotherhood is competent to run Egypt while its ambassador in Cairo is accused of having called on opponents of Morsi to set off wider street protests. The US envoy dismissed the charge.
UK waging endless wars
One ugly fact of life is emerging
above all else in modern Britain: Permanent economic austerity at home now
bestrides permanent war abroad.
Last week, in his latest budget statement, the Tory Chancellor George Osborne unveiled a program of cuts in public spending. The cuts represented the most draconian of their kind ever embarked on by any British government since the World War II.
Some GBP 30 billion (USD 50 billion) in savings are to be wrenched from social welfare entitlements and other public services, such as health and education.
This economic blitzkrieg is on top of the GBP 80bn (USD 130 billion) austerity barrage that the dubiously-elected Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government had earlier rolled out two years ago (recall that neither of these parties has a popular mandate from the 2010 British election).
The result? Austerity is here to stay in the United Kingdom, lasting until at least 2018 and more likely beyond that year. It is a shocking peremptory order when you think about it. The people are being told, “Poverty is your miserable lot and don’t even question it.”
In turn, the grim result will be blighted lives. The bottom half of British society is being forced to carry the burden of Britain’s record national debt levels - a debt that was imposed by its financial oligarchy in order to pay for its decades of looting and parasitism.
It truly conjures up a callous image of modern Britain and its ruling class. The lower orders are being stamped on and kicked in the teeth by the privileged wealthy in order to buoy up the sinking ship that is the fetid British economy.
Permanent austerity is just another way of saying “class war.” The British ruling class has given notice, through its mouthpiece chancellor, that war is now openly declared on the majority of workers, unemployed, pensioners, infirmed, and students. To be fair, the so-called opposition Labor party offers no alternative as it too has become a derisory servant of the rich.
While the top one percent of wealthy and corporate elite is lavished with tax subsidies, the majority of people will pay for this largesse through enforced material hardship, sickness, and death. When pensioners, for example, are forced to turn off their home heating this winter in order to scrimp some savings to pay for basic food items many more of these elderly will die from hypothermia and deprivation. That is the heinous reality behind all the glib economic statistics articulated by Osborne in the British House of Commons last week as he pontificated, “It’s a hard road, but it leads to a better future.” (Yes, it’s hard road all right for the millions of poor who are cushioning the millionaires like Chancellor Osborne.)
Meanwhile, it was rather apt in the same week that a separate report showed that Britain and the United States military have together launched some 1,200 drone strikes over a five-year-long period to date. These strikes have occurred in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Libya. Undisclosed information may well show that Britain has also participated in known American drone attacks elsewhere, such as Pakistan, Somalia, and Yemen.
According to the London-based Bureau of Investigative Journalism, British forces are playing an increasing role in assisting America’s worldwide drone assassination campaign. With countless thousands of deaths from such aerial attacks, it is a stark reminder that Britain - along with the US and other NATO powers - is in a state of permanent global war. A state of war that, like its economic austerity at home, seems to have no end.
The primary cost of these drone strikes and wars are the millions of innocent lives obliterated. Over a million in Iraq alone, 20,000 in Afghanistan, and countless tens of thousands elsewhere.
But let’s look at the financial cost of Britain’s permanent state of global war. In dollar terms and for the UK only, the bill for its 13-year-long illegal occupation in Afghanistan ending in 2014 is reckoned to reach USD 33 billion; while that for Iraq and Libya is calculated at USD 16 billion and USD 430 million respectively.
The total financial cost for just those three military adventures is approximately USD 50 billion. That sum is equivalent to the cost-cutting in public spending unveiled last week by the British government.
The brutal irony is that Britain’s reign of death and destruction abroad is to be paid for by a reign of death and destruction imposed through austerity on its own population over the next six years.
And just like the enforced economic austerity, there seems to be no end in sight to Britain’s warmongering around the world. While the British government claims that it has no money to pay for pensioner fuel bills or unemployment food stamps, it nevertheless somehow can find the financial wherewithal to fund armed groups in Syria to the tune of USD 80 million. These are the same groups that are trying to subvert the sovereign government in Damascus by killing thousands of Syrian civilians with no-warning car bombs and raiding villages to massacre women and children.
British Foreign Secretary William Hague has been one of the Western politicians calling most vociferously for increased foreign-backed criminality in Syria, although, the plumy-accented Hague does not put it in quite those stark terms.
Last week, Hague claimed that he was privy to secret information purportedly showing that the government forces of President Bashar al-Assad were preparing to deploy chemical weapons of mass destruction. Therefore, according to his twisted logic, Western powers must launch military attack on Syrian immediately. Tellingly, Hague could not reveal any specifics to support his threadbare scaremongering and warmongering pretext.
But the point is that the British government is itching for yet another bloody imperialist adventure, in Syria, to add to its already long list of war crimes in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Libya. And this is at a time when the British population is being bludgeoned with economic austerity.
The seeming contradiction in the British government’s policy is not a contradiction. It is entirely consistent. The military war on hapless foreign populations is but an extension of the economic war that is being waged against the majority of Britons. This is the function of capitalism - the exploitation of others for the benefit of elite rulers. It has always been so, but in this time of history, it has become transparently so.
This is not unique to Britain, of course. We see the same perverse logic and priorities being played out in the US and elsewhere in Europe. The French and German governments, for example, are crying poverty to their populaces, yet these same governments are readying to deploy drones in Mali and Patriot missiles in Turkey.
However, one thing is for sure: Economic and foreign policy run on the basis of inflicting suffering and death is doomed to fail. It is digging its own grave. Sooner or later the corrupt rulers will fall, or preferably be pushed, into the graves they are digging.
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