Friday, 14 December 2012

NPP: THEIR OWN WORST ENEMY

Staff Writer
As the ordinary members of   the NPP grieve over their loss of the just-ended elections, information reaching The Insight indicates that some of the crucial reasons for the defeat of the NPP could be found on the doorsteps of the NPP itself. Rather than blame others for their defeat, the information reveals several own-goals that the party leadership and their some of their parliamentary candidates scored.

In some constituencies, the parliamentary candidates, most of who were financing their campaigns with their own resources, were more eager to campaign for them to be elected as MPs rather than the presidential candidate.

For example, in the Western Region, the difference between the NPP and the NDC candidates in the parliamentary elections for Sefwi Wiawso was less than 6,000 votes, whereas the difference between President Mahama and Nana Akufo-Addo was over 11,000 votes.

Jake Obetsebi Lamptey, NPP Chairman
Similarly in the Akontombra constituency, whereas the NPP parliamentary vote was just around 6,000 less than the NDC vote, the NPP presidential vote saw Nana Addo scoring less than 8,000 less than the NDC’s John Mahama. In the Bia-West constituency, the margin between the NPP and NDC parliamentary votes was 16,000 in favour of the NDC; whereas the margin between the two parties in the presidential vote was nearly 21,000 in favour of the NDC.
 
This pattern ran through most of the regions and constituencies throughout the country. There is a constituency in the Western Region where the NPP candidate was known to be distributing GH¢20 to each known or perceived NDC supporters to vote for him for parliament, saying they could vote for their preferred presidential candidate.

He was even known to be distributing monies to tenant-farmers from the Northern Regions with the argument that “I cannot ask you to vote against your Northern brother; but as for the parliamentary side, it is between two non-northerners; so take this money and vote for me”. It appeared to work; as he secured 4,000 more votes than Nana Akufo Addo’s tally. He was so devastated by the results that three days after the count, he was not receiving visitors,
In the Aowin constituency, the NDC’s President Mahama received over 2,000 more votes than the NDC parliamentary candidate; while the NPP’s Nana Akufo-Addo received 2,000 votes less than his parliamentary candidate.
 
Another own-goal factor appeared to be the NPP’s unashamed display of ethnic chauvinism during the campaign. For example, Ursula’s Owusu’s anti-northern outburst on TV was highlighted in some of the rural areas where there were Northern communities.

According to Ursula Owusu, (NPP candidate), had it not been for free education, Northerners such as President Mahama would by now be herding cattle. There was also the highly prejudicial and offensive claim that voting for Mahama would mean the spitting of kola on the walls of the Castle or Flagstaff House.

In some of the rural areas, the NDC kept playing on their loudspeakers, insults that were heaped on Northerners by Kennedy Agyapong. His angry outbursts against Alhaji Bature which suggested that Northerners are “watchmen”, and “cattle-herders” with cracked soles, were received with anger by several Northern communities.
 
A farmer of northern extraction in the Juaboso constituency (WR) was angry that NPP people were saying that there was free education in the north. According to him, he had to migrate to the south to undertake farming precisely because his parents did not have money to pay his school fees. “There is no free education in the North. After the Matemeho people abolished it, soon after the overthrow of Nkrumah, how can they say that we in the north receive free education? Because they are saying this, some people in this village are now laughing at me that I did not go to school although we had free education. It is not true. They are liars. I will not vote for them.” He stated.
  
In the same ethnocentric vein, some of the NPP campaigners were heard (through their campaign vehicles) asking people to vote for “nipa papa” (proper human being) this year. What was meant by that was not lost on people who were northerners or those against ethnic hegemony.

Another likely factor that went against the NPP was their Presidential candidate himself. His demeanour and utterances did not endear him to the hearts of many voters. His tribal outburst of “we Akans” was frowned upon by communities who resent any claim to Akan supremacy over their own ethnic group. There are people technically classified as Akans but who are not Twi speaking. They therefore see themselves as being different from Twi/Akans and would resent any suggestion of Twi supremacy.

Then there was the NPP youth organiser who was on record to have stated that they were going to target “Ayigbe Brigadiers” (Ewe soldiers). Mr. Kennedy Agyapong (NPP MP for Assin North) did not help the cause of the NPP when he declared war on  Ewes and Gas.
In relation to ethnic chauvinism, Kennedy Agyapong singularly did the most damage to the reputation of the NPP by offending the sensibilities of Ewes, Gas and “Northerners”.

Perhaps, if the NPP cares about being in government again, they should advise their spokesmen to watch their mouths from now on.

NPP’S “WO’NKYE NDZI” POLICY
It was a leader of the Popular Front Party (PFP), Mr. Victor Owusu, who described the Ewe people as “inward looking”. The present-day NPP is made up of members/supporters of the PFP and the United National Convention (UNC), of which Nana Akufo Addo was a leading member.  The facts, however, show that when NPP gets political power, they prove to be the most inward-looking cabal that the nation has ever known.

Former President John Agyekum Kufuor
In their 2012 Manifesto, they promised to provide “affordable housing for Ghanaians eager to buy their own houses”. Between 2000 and 2008 when the NPP was in power, they showed what they mean by providing affordable housing for Ghanaians. They only shared the houses among themselves, their children and relatives, as well as their workers. Of course, all those who had them were all Ghanaians.

However, Ghanaians who were not related to NPP leaders were excluded. Please find below how the NPP distributed the few houses that they began to build.


BENEFICIARY
ADDRESS OF BENEFICIARY
ALLOCATION
  1.  
Stephen Owusu-Sekyere
235 Airport West, Accra (President Kufuor's House)
C1/9 Block E, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
Nana Boakye Kufuor
235 Airport West, Accra (President Kufuor's House)
C1/10 Block E, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
Nana Bema Kufuor
P.O. Box 4449, Accra
C12/2 Block I, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Hajia Aisha
235 Airport West, Accra (President Kufuor's House)
Unnumbered Block, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Nana Akomea
NPP, Head of Nana Akufo Addo’s Communications Team, P.O. Box NK 345, North Kaneshie, Accra
C3/5 Block I, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Cpl. Daniel Nyame
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C10/1 Block B, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
Eric Mensah-Bonsu
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C17/12 Block F, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
Joseph Obeng-Poku
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C17/13 Block F, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
Richard Gaisie
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C17/14 Block F, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
Sgt. H.O. Manu
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C2/10 Block B, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
Sgt. Thomas Addae
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C2/11 Block B, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
Const. Jonas Ampofo
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C2/12 Block B. Kpone, Tema
  1.  
Cpl. Emmanuel Bordoh
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C2/14 Block B, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
Cpl. Robert Owusu
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C2/16 Block B, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
Mr. Adu Acheampong-Sarpong
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C2/2 Block B, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
Cpl. Hansel Yeboah
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C2/3 Block B, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
Mark Kyei Ahengua
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C2/4 Block B, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
PW/Cpl Joyce Asare
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C2/5 Block B, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
SGt. Peter Kwarteng
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C2/6 Block B, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
Sgt Evans Kesseh
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C2/9 Block B, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
E.O. Frimpong
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C4/2 Block A. Kpone, Tema
  1.  
Kwadwo Bonsu
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C4/3 Block A, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
George Oduro
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C4/4 Block A. Kpone, Tema
  1.  
Kofi Afriyie
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C4/5 Block A, Kpone, Tema
  1.  
Sarfo Addo
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C4/6 Block A, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
ASP E.R. Asante
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C4/8 Block A, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
E.K Frimpong
VVIPU, Castle, Osu
C1/7 Block E, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
Bonsu Kwadwo
VVIPU, Castle, Osu
C1/5 Block E, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
Issaka Samande
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C1/1 Block E, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Fuseini Salifu
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C1/6 Block E. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Yakubu Iddrisu
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C1/7 Block E. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
A.S.P. Paul K. Nsowah
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C2/1 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
L/C F.J. Narh
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C2/13 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
L/Cpl Bokyerewa
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C2/15 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
ADC Obed Akwa
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C2/2 Block B Borteyman, Nungua
  1.  
ACP Nana Bediako Poku
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C2/3 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Cpl. Kwadwo Tuffuor
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C2/3 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Lt. Col. Akohen-Mensah
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C2/4 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Supt Okyere Darko
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C2/5 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
DSP Corfie
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C2/6 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
DSP Kofie
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C2/6 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
A.S.P. Kingsley Amankwah
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C2/7 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
L/Cpl Baffoe-Antwi
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C2/7 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Sgt. Emmanuel Borden
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C2/8 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Insp. Peter Boadu
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C2/8 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
A.S.P Anthony Omane
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C3/1 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Cpl. Owusu Antwi
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C3/3 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Sgt. P.S.K. Asiome
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C3/4 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
L/Cpl John Larbi
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C3/5 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Sgt. B.O Lamptey
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C3/6 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Abigail Baah
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C3/7 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Sgt. Samuel Agyalewah
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C3/8 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
PW/Insp. Patricia Akuamoah Boateng
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C4/2 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
PWC/Insp. Mary Watts Amissah
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C4/4 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
PWC Juliana Siaw
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C4/5 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Insp Obeng Awisi
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C4/7 Block A, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Patrick Manu
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C4/7 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Insp. Victor Kwakye
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C4/8 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Cpl. Kwadwo Tuffuor
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C8/2 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Sgt Clement Nimako
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C9/1 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
PW/Insp. Patricia Akuamoah Boateng
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C9/2 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Insp. K.O. Kumi
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C9/3 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
PWC/Insp. Mary Watts Amissah
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C9/4 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Insp. Love Ayensu
Office of the President, Castle, Osu
C9/6 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Baaba Mensah
Castle, Osu
C4/20 Block H. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Alhaji Alhassan Aliu
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
C8/11 Block H, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Gandah Labiri
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
C1/11 Block E, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Mohammed Musah
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
C2/2 Block E, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Hassan Gabga
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
C1/5 Block E, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Awaab Achumpari
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
C1/10Block E, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Awudu Alidu
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
C1/9 Block E, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Nashiru Soale
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
Unnumbered House, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Shamsudeen Mahama
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
Asokore Mampong, Kumasi
  1.  
Alhaji Armiyao Haruna
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
C12/8 Block I, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Alhassan Ziblim
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
C1/3 Block E. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Madam Salma Kadiri
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
C127 Block I. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Abdul Rahaman Salisu
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
C14/1 Block B, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
Abdul Wahab Alhassan
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
C13/1 Block B, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
Fayad Mahama
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
C12/6 Block I. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Yakubu Adam
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
C1/8 Block E. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Mohammed Awal Ziblim
Office of the Vice-President, Castle, Osu
C1/4 Block E. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Victoria Boaten-Sarpong
c/o Hon. Asamoah Boateng (Minister of Information
C6/5 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Zuleika Lornia
c/o Hon. Asamoah Boateng (Minister of Information
C6/6 Block B. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Rex Ohemeng
c/o Hon. Asamoah Boateng (Min. Of Information)
C6/4 Block B, Borteyman, Nungua Accra
  1.  
Dr. Abena Amoako
c/o Hon. A. Osei Adjei (Min of Foreign Affairs)
C8/7 Block C. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Rita Adoma
c/o Hon. A. Osei Adjei, (Min of Foreign Affairs)
C6/13 Block A, Asokore Mampong, Kumasi
  1.  
Ivy Apraku
c/o Hon. A. Osei Adjei (Minister of Foreign Affairs)
C8/6 Block C Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Akua Konadu
c/o Hon. A. Osei Adjei (Minister of Foreign Affairs)
C6/14 Block A Asokore Mampong, Kumasi
  1.  
Afuah Pomaa
c/o Hon. D.K. Fobih (Min of Education)
C7/1 Block J. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Yaw Tandoh
c/o Hon. D.K. Fobih (Min of Education)
C4/7 Block J. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Abena Akobin
c/o Hon. D.K. Fobih (Min of Education)
C4/8 Block J, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Kwaku Kutin
c/o Hon. Dr. D.K. Fobih (NPP Mins of Education)
C7/2 Block J, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Kofi Poku
c/o Hon S.K. Boafo (Minister of Chieftaincy Affairs)
C13/11 Block F, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
David Kwabena Adade
c/o Hon S.K. Boafo (Minister of Chieftaincy Affairs)
C13/13 Block F, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
Hon. S.K. Boafo
Minister of Chieftaincy Affairs, Accra
C13/12 Block F, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
Hon. Nii Adu Darku Mante
(NPP MP)
C8/3 Block I Borteyman, Nungua
  1.  
Hon. Nii Adu Darku Mante
(NPP MP)
C4/3 Block I Borteyman, Nungua
  1.  
Hon. Bintim Charles Binipon
NPP MP, Mins of Local Government,  Box 42, Saboba, N/R
C4/1 Block I, Borteyman, Nungua Accra
  1.  
Hon. Abangah Abdulai (NPP MP)
P.O. Box AD 999, Adabraka
C4/2 Block I Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Hon. Abangah Abdulai (NPP MP)
P.O. Box AD 999, Adabraka
C8/2 Block I Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Mohammed Amin Anta
NPP Parliamentary Candidate
P.O.Box 1211, Cantonments, Accra
C1/5 Block C, Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Hon. Oppey Abbey (NPP MP)
Parliament
C8/3 Block C. Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
David Aidoo
c/o Hon Gladys Asmah, (NPP Mins of Fisheries)
C7/3 Block J Borteyman, Nungua
104.               
Vincent Yaw Kusi
c/o Hon Gladys Asmah, (NPP Mins of Fisheries)
C7/4 Block J Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Elizabeth Donkoh
c/o Hon Gladys Asmah, (NPP Mins of Fisheries)
C7/5 Block J Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Elsie Panyin Ansah
c/o Hon S. Owusu Agyei (MOPSR)
C1/5 Block J Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Jeff Armoo Brown
c/o Hon S. Owusu Agyei (MOPSR)
C1/4 Block J Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
K. Siakah
c/o Prof. Ameyaw Akumfi (NPP MP)
C13/10 Block F, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
Francis Quaye
c/o Prof. Ameyaw Akumfi (NPP MP)
C13/8 Block F, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
Kofi Korsah
c/o Prof. Ameyaw Akumfi (NPP MP)
C13/9 Block F, Kpone-Tema
  1.  
Ibrahim Baryeh
Chairman of Lands Commission, Accra
C5/6 Block B Borteyman, Nungua, Accra
  1.  
Nana Juaben-Boateng
NPP Chief Director, Mins of Finance
C8/3 Block C, Borteyman, Nungua Accra
  1.  
Margaret Baah Wiredu
Box 11297, Accra North
C8/1 Block C, Borteyman, Nungua Accra
  

Next time Nana Akomea makes noise about the NDC government not completing those houses, ask him about No. 5 on this list. We genuinely feel sorry for ordinary NPP supporters who continue to believe that an NPP government will serve their interests.

If this is not inward-looking of the highest order, then we do not know what it is.


EDITORIAL
Bad losers, Bad company
 It has become a trademark of the adherents of the Danquah tradition not to accept defeat with grace. Throughout the history of Ghana, these people have never accepted the outcome of any election that they lose as free and fair.

 They complained about the results of the 1956 elections, and as a result, boycotted the Independence Day celebration of Ghana. They never accepted the results of the 1960 Presidential elections in which Kwame Nkrumah beat J.B Danquah by 89.1% to 10.9%. 
 In the 1979 elections, the PFP was unhappy about the loss to the PNP although the Danquah wing of the United Party (UNC) supported Dr. Limann’s PNP in the second round. When they lost to the NDC in 1992, the NPP claimed that the elections were rigged. They were so adamant that they refused to participate in parliamentary business for four years. They wrote “The Stolen Verdict”.

 True to form, they complained against he results of the 1996 elections as well. It was only when they won in 2000 that they accepted that the elections were fair. In 2004, although by all indications, they lost the elections, Professor Mills, for the sake of peace conceded defeat. 
 In 2008, the NPP were so peeved by the loss to the NDC that they even attempted to plant dead bodies in the Volta Region to support their false claims that their polling agents had been killed. Now in 2012, they are at it again.

 As far back 2011, the NPP were saying that any result, apart from a win would be considered as a flawed result. That is why they are behaving badly after losing fair and square to the NDC.

 It is time they are told in no uncertain terms that NPP people are not better than anybody in this country. Those among them who are now wreaking mayhem on innocent individuals should be brought to book. The NPP are not people who would accept it even if you turn the other cheek them as long as you do not give them power. 
 As Pastor Otabil said, such “All die be die” people are bad company. They should be stopped in their tracks. They do not have more rights than anybody else in the country. Enough is enough.

Ministers to prepare handing over notes

From: Ghana/Ministry of Information


Vice President Amissah Arthur
Vice President and Transition Team Chairman Kwesi Bekoe Amissah-Arthur has directed all Ministers of State to begin preparing their handing over notes in compliance with the provisions of the Presidential (Transitions) Act of 2013, Act 845.

A statement signed by Minister for Information Fritz Baffuor said the directive follows the inaugural meeting of the Transition Team in Accra this morning. A deadline for the submission of these notes will be announced after the Team’s next meeting on Friday December 14, 2012.

On Wednesday, President John Dramani Mahama inaugurated the 24-member Transition Team chaired by the Vice President. They are required to, among other things, make comprehensive practical arrangements to regulate the transfer of political administration to the new administration that will be sworn in on January 07, 2013.

ECOWAS in Mali: GEO Economic and Strategic Insights
By EL Harun Muhammad
Mali as far back as 12 century A.D was centripetal force in commerce, scholarship and statecraft .Its rich intellectual tradition was symbolized by Sankore University in Timbuktu.


 It was known to have trained honest tradesmen who saw their business in the society as community service, with profit making as secondary. It produced administrators whose expertise in state craft and treasury management was selfless and exemplary. Its cream of jurists made dispensation of justice a hallmark in the celebrated Mali Empire. Its known Gold wealth sharpened its role in trans-Saharan trade that almost integrated West and North Africa into Mediterranean, the example of one of its leaders, Mansa Musa and his donations to Saudi Arabia, long before they discovered oil portrayed the international importance Mali had.

Captain Thomas Sankara
Among the scholars it has produced are the likes of Sheikh Muhammad Bagayoyi (1552-1593), Sheikh Ahmad Baba Al Massufi Al Timbuktu (1556-1627) and Sheikh Sidi Mukhtar Al Kunti (1728-1911). They not only spread knowledge and promoted scholarship but showed an exemplary life on how knowledge instills moral excellence and communal obligations .

By 1774, Mali was at its pinnacle, influencing changes and political reforms across West Africa. The influence of Sankore scholars on Sheikh Usman Dan Fodio, as an example, the 19th century Nigerian revolutionary scholar resulted in revolution and formation of new political system in what Professor Walter Rodney described Sokoto caliphate, by product of his revolution as, one of the greatest empire in Africa. That was the time United States of America was struggling for independence from Britain, after earlier colonial subjugation by various European colonial powers. Mali was already leading economic block, independent political system, intellectual fountain, indeed a civilization at a time when US was organizing itself for self rule to begin with.

Today Mali supplies about 6% of world Gold resource and strategically part of Gulf of Guinea by virtue of the 2 Guineas; source of 24% of US oil needs, higher than Persian Gulf, with 17% from the Guinea and Chad. A year earlier, General William Ward, then commander of AFRICOM was in Nigerian air force base Abuja, Nigeria for the closing ceremony of US European Command Operation Africa Endeavour , an Interoperability and  Information training conducted for Nigeria, Benin, Cameroon, Chad, Burkina Faso, Mali, Sierra Leone, Senegal, Ghana, The Gambia, Rwanda, Kenya, Lesotho, Malawi, Namibia,  Botswana, Cape Verde and Uganda.  

By 2009, US has foreseen the strategic significance of this geography in a military endeavour exercise it conducted for  ECOWAS, and including Benin, Gabon, Ghana and Nigeria among many in Gabon under the US military command known as AFRICO. It was a training that included the second largest communications exercise in the world. Not only have US, NATO seemed fully involved in the wars that are planned in Africa. Surprisingly, this was the AFRICOM vehemently opposed by the entire African continent when US announced its formation in 2005, and was forced out of the continent to Kelley Barracks, Stuttgart, Germany. In Mali,  AU and ECOWAS would only served as proxies, considering the number of dead US-NATO are recording in IRAQ, Somalia and Afghanistan. African soldiers would now do the fight while Washington, Brussels and other European capitals control the resources. 

In part, the UN resolution assigning the proxy role on ECOWAS, calls in part: on UN member states, regional and International organizations to provide coordinated assistance, expertise and capacity building support . 

According to pro NATO think tank, Atlantic council ,the Gulf of Guinea is at the brink of becoming a greater supplier of energy to the United States than the Persian Gulf and is therefore of far higher strategic importance than has historically been the case. Nigeria-US bi-national commission was one of the legal tools Washington employed in 2011 to give cover to its military takeover of the Gulf in what the documents called: vehicle for security cooperation, including maritime security”. Gulf of Guinea described a Washington policy paper, “nexus of vital US foreign policy priorities”. NATO has already been redesigned to have the swift ability to deploy 21,000 troops in case of needs outside its traditional zone of operations.

This includes resource rich Africa. Thus, the rebellion in Mali, the coup and now the UN resolution to use ECOWAS as a fighter group are preludes, carefully contrived for NATO engagement in Gulf of Guinea. Algeria may not survive the scheme, being the largest country in Africa and third supplier of oil. Also needs for effective exploitation of Mediterranean lane and Indian Ocean for smooth flow of goods, is one of the calculation that AU is now mobilized into Somalia through Kenya. 

War on Terror is always the ground, pretext if you like for launching profound military invasion and destruction. UN and US policy documents throughout 2012 are trying to establish the linkages between the main Al-Qaida, Al-Qaida in Maghreb and the various Ansars and Boko Haram. If at all they mean anything different. Once this is done, full scale US led military adventures are justified. According to John Brennan,(closest) Special Adviser to President Obama on counterterrorism and home Security Adviser, Whom New York times describes as ‘Obama’s Drone “priest” states: …We’re not going to rest until Al Qaida the organization is destroyed and is eliminated from areas in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen, Africa and others’. But the rate and scale at which troops are mobilized into Africa has deeper agenda. The $24 trillion mineral deposit in Kinshasa has already attracted US bases in Djibouti, Kampala, and Darfur. Bangui, Mogadishu, among other places.  

The scenery suggests Boko Haram in Nigeria, Ansasusharia in Libya, Ansasudeen in Mali are all designed to provide ground for US-NATO re-colonisation of Africa. Nigeria the richest country in the continent, its population resource alone which is drawing soft actors like Bill Gates to launch population related activities is a strategic war already. As regular visitor to the country, the Bill Gate Foundation was formally registered as International NGO in Nigeria.

The spillover of eliminated Gaddafi and destroyed Libya is what brings the rebellion in Mali. The strategic objective is to give absolute access to US from the southern border of Libya to entire North Africa, Central and the western Africa The extensive reserves of Uranium in Niger, Cocoa in Ivory coast and above all the Oil in Guinea, combine to make Mali a spotlight that would soon become war zone for the balkanization of the sub region. With US troops all over, its intelligence network within the waves of the Arab spring would continue to weaken French control over Tunisia, Morocco and Algeria. Thus with USNATO puppet governments in place, Washington would not only be the grand imperial force in Africa, but making the 21st century truly New American century. Countries like Nigeria, Niger, Liberia, Cote d’Ivoire, and Senegal are already pupating.

ECOWAS –Economic Community of West African States is the organ that would fight the rebels in Mali and restore order. Influential African heads of Governments like Nigeria’s President, Goodluck Ebele Jonathan are at the fore front of advocating ECOWAS to engage in this profound military adventure .Together with Malian Prime Minister, they called, before the 64th session of United Nations General Assembly for an International collaboration to fight the rebels .Francois Hollande of France very strongly defined the rebellion in Mali as threat not only to Africa but Europe as well. To smoothen the adventure UN passed resolution for the ECOWAS undertaking immediately. The resolution serves as legal ground for the war that would happen in Mali. This would be done through African Union framework for the ECOWAS adventure. On the roles the continental and regional organizations are set to do ,a declassified Intelligence assessment prepared as part of Nation Security Review 30  concluded that post-cold war developments in Africa provided both ,”significant opportunities for, and obstacle to US interest—Africa’s regional or sub regional organizations…….(have) potential utility for the achievements of US foreign policy objectives”. Here lies the connection between ECOWAS adventure and Geo strategic, cultural and economic interests of Euro-America not only in Mali but West Africa and the continent as a whole.ECOWAS was established essentially “to facilitate economic integration of West African States as a key to the rapid socio economic development of the sub region.” It is in this objective the treaty that brought the organization was signed (May 1975) over 35 years now. In pursuance of this 57 protocols and conventions have been adopted; of these, only 3 protocols border on military engagement .In fact the first one signed in 1978 was the protocol on non aggression, clearly defining, the boundary of ECOWAS not to interfere in the internal affairs of member states, indicating respect to independence of members. The second was the protocol on mutual assistance on Defense 1981. Sequel to the conflicts in Liberia  (1989-2,03) ,Sierra Leone (1990- 2001),Guinea Bissau (1997-1998) that marked the organisation’s extraordinary meeting IN Lome in 1997 on the mechanism for conflict management, peacekeeping and conflict prevention. Two years later the protocol was ratified (ECOWAS, 1997, 1998, 1999).

Over 98% of ECOWAS protocols were ratified on issues pertaining citizenships, trans-border movements of goods and persons and other mechanics necessary to facilitate economic development and integration of the sub region. 

Less than 2% of the protocols border on Defense and conflict management. And even this is an area of great contention among experts. There is the argument that although ECOMOG was constituted as ad hoc military force whose conduct in Liberian and Sierra Leone was remarkable in the areas of intervention, peace enforcement and peace keeping, the conceptual legality of the force and its modus operandi have all violated the provisions of the protocol that provided military basis in the first place. Articles 13 and 14 on the mutual defense assistance protocol talks of Allied armed Forces of the Community (AAFC), who’s Commander, Headquarters and finances would clearly be defined .In the area of finance, contribution from all members becomes an obligation on all rather than the body’s Standing Mediation Committee (SMC). Till now when the organization is set for another encounter, AAFC has not been formed, amendment has not taken place to give ground for ECOMOG, if it is the one to reincarnate again in Mali and beyond. No any designated headquarters and worst of all USNATO and other European nations would provide finances, logistics, trainings and all other supports needed for ECOWAS troops. Clear violation of the mutual Defense Protocols.

Experience of Afghanistan and Iraq has made the sponsors of ECOWAS to save lives of their citizens, By the same token, lives of black people are much cheaper; worst still, Arab Leagues, Gulf cooperation councils, etc should have been selected for similar military engagements in the USNATO wars in Middle East and beyond. 
In other words, one would have expected deployment of troops from Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) in the ongoing wars in Congo, East African Economic Community in the war Kenya is fighting in Somalia, and in other places; Arab Maghreb Union (AMU) should also have been financed in the Arab springs or Southern African Development Cooperation (SADC) to fight Robert Mugabe. None happens in these regions, fully occupied by US troops/bases.  Only in West Africa, ECOWAS paradoxically is the   war machine. 
ECOWAS, through ECOMOG was accused of partiality as it took sides at long run in its intervention; with the dominant role Nigeria played say it all;  questionable credibility as it supervised elections that triggered further conflicts and legitimacy, legitimacy challenge as the legal provisions and modus operandi fall short of the protocols on peace keeping and intervention. The mere concentration of the body more on military than socio economic activities has already limited the body as an economic organization. These are against the backdrop of its persistently inconsistent ability to make any appreciable policy in the areas of common custom, tariff and citizenship policies. Common currency zone remain a mirage. Dates keep rescheduling and deadlines always adjusted for the past 30 years.
The organization has woefully failed to liaise with member states and partner with genuine interests to provide access to basic services, boast Agriculture, help small scale /cottage industries Quality education and improve investment climate in the sub region. More than any other time the most vocal states in the organizations have the most corrupt, incompetent, unaccountable governments. . These must have contributed in spread of grudges, hatred, and enmity that generate conflicts and even rebellions as in Mali. These must have further invited the imperial powers to exploit the neocolonial characteristics in the ECOWAS leaders to engage the organization in what would end up a full scale surrogate war.
It couldn’t or didn’t make any serious effort to diffuse the colonial legacy of Anglo-francophone divide that keeps stifling the organizational process . It has no clear humanitarian intervention programmes even at times like this when the sub region is threaten by drought, hunger and diseases for than any where or time in the world. The poorest parts of the world are found here. And ECOWAS operates more as rhetoric than an economic development instrument. From 1975-2005, ECOWAS economy grows around 3.2% per annum. (Though is able to double somehow in the new millennium). In 2008 GDP per capita of the region was $3076.41 per purchasing power parity with France comparatively, at $50,642.3. Same France that sees war as solution to this underdevelopment!

The attempt to redesign ECOWAS into military force is an aberration .At best is a process to un-do its objectives and all the protocols and conventions that would have consolidated its institutional significance and operational imperatives. It is the greatest irony that the most remarkable policy in ECOWAS history of about 4 decades is its military adventure in Liberia and Sierra Leone. Mali is a proxy war EOWAS is made to fight, the outcome would be most disastrous not only to the organization but to the sub region and African continent as a whole. Though all support is being mobilized for ECOWAS, the War is likely to be protracted and therefore would at long run render it incapable which would subsequently bring AFRICOM and NATO troops into the war, considering its spread beyond Mali. This would mark the balkanisation and eventual re-colonisation of the continent later than soonest, perhaps. The huge untapped resources in the context of the economic meltdown Europe and America are experiencing.
There are many reasons to question the eruption of rebellion in Mali considering how the country and the sub region is effectively integrated in various US led schemes on International war on Terror. For example Mali was part of Pan Sahelian Initiative (PSI), US led project to provide security training and equipment. The programme was designed to protect borders, track moment of people, combat terrorism and enhance regional cooperation and stability. 

This project had $7 million as take off funds  as far back  November 2002.The special operations command Europe were in Bamako ,Gao and Timbuktu where they provided foreign internal defense training for the SPI, according to US European command website written by 1st Lt.  Phillip Ulmer, 435th Air Base Wing Public Affairs (March 4th 2004). These types of programme became expanded in 2005 into Tran Saharan Counter Terrorism Initiatives (TSCTI) with congressional approval of $500 million for 6 year period.  

Key Training activity was Operation Enduring Freedom –Tran Saharan Africa aimed at assisting governments to better control their territory and to prevent long tracts of largely deserted African territory from becoming safe haven for terrorist groups. These governments are : Mali, Algeria, Chad, Mauritania ,Morocco, Niger, Senegal, Tunisia with additional members of Burkina Faso, Libya and Nigeria By 2008, such trainings were transferred to wider and more grounded agency: AFRICOM. 

Comprehensive counter terror activities that entailed border patrols, tracking movement of people training and logistics that runs for about a decade only to hear coup d’état in Mali as a result of attempts by terrorists to break the country away. Mali of all , that is central in  these US programmes   fall in the trap .

One may be at liberty to deduce that these elaborate counter terror activities breed the terrorists, rather than countering them. Already Al-Qaida has threatened to attack the ECOWAS member states if they attack the rebels. It also threatens France. EU has announced deployment of 200 troops to provide logistics to ECOWAS; this is addition to the earlier declaration to   deploy key military personals to support the Malian army. These naturally would include intelligence officers and field commanders’ NATO is likely to be on ground as well as Algeria registered its rejection of the ECOWAS force.

.A situation that looks everything but staged managed: the counter-terror, the rebellion, the coup, and the ECOWAS military engagement and AFRICOM NATO adventure that may come. With the fall of Gaddafi, AFRICOM has announced 14 major military exercises in African countries for 2012,  including UBANGAME EXERCISE (for Nigeria at Gulf of Guinea). With about 60  billion barrels of proven reserves, in Libya alone, Gulf of Guinea as the second largest pool of oil resources after Persian Gulf,80% of world coltan in Kinshasa,30% of world Diamond reserves with total of about $24 trillion reserves of various strategic minerals in Congo alone, not to talk of Algeria, southern Africa like Angola and Namibia, there are every reasons for US to set its bases and expand its military tentacles in Africa. 

Gaddafi must have for seen this all out imperialist drive to recolonise Africa for him to have strongly insisted for United States of Africa. African leaders with defective thoughts and whimsical motives accused Gaddafi of been ambitious to dominate Africa. He didn’t dominate Africa. Euro-America would come to do worst .Whatever these military exercises and trainings are named and coded, the final objective has been summarized by General Carter Ham Africom Commander in a speech he delivered at Arlington Virginia on June 26th 2012: “The absolute imperative for the US military (is) to protect America, Americans and American interests in our case (to) protect US from threats that may emerge from the African continent.” This threat cannot be far from emergence of Africans that are independent and ready to transform its resources into Garden of Eden for its people.
With UN resolution, the International Community would be there. What International Community means is a subject of fresh discussion all together.
Nobody is talking about promoting agriculture in West Africa which is the main stay of economic survival in the sub region. A crucial sector for foreign investment and industrialization. China, the only country that considers such potentials as assets for all is now on a show down with Euro-America, not only in West Africa, or Africa, but in the whole world. So also how penalized criminals are making their ways in to government is not a concern to any.  The fast lane on which Nigeria is going into lawlessness and anarchy with an average of 10 different reported killing, murder or related crime in national newspaper daily, and similar average reporting of loots from public treasury has already concluded Nigerian rating on the 2015 agenda (MDGs).
As Nigeria coordinates the attack on West African sub region, Human development Index for the last 10 years on average, rates the country among the most corrupt, poor countries in the World. Paradoxically, same country that is put to anchor War from another angle. This raises questions on the relationships between national security, poverty, empowerment in Africa and the persistently domineering role International imperialism does to perpetuate the dividing dynamics between Development and Underdevelopment.
Algeria is against the proxy war ECOWAS is set do. Egypt is also against it. As more African countries run parallel to Nigeria/US/EU interest to wage war, what would be the scenery is subject to a fresh analysis all together. It may change the pretext and the timing, but the agenda to re-colonies would surely appear in new gab
As usual with mechanics of control and domination, stooges are created and maintained as indispensables in making the New World Order, Whom Walter Rodney describes as “sell-outs”.
Patriotic voices have to co-ordinate their energies towards remaking of a truly independent Africa for its resources to benefit its people and make balanced contribution to a fair and just International order.

Egypt trapped in a quandary
By Mohyeddin Sajedi

Massive rival protests in Cairo and other important Egyptian cities in favor and against President Mohamed Morsi ahead of a referendum on the Constitution have failed to resolve the Egyptian crisis. The referendum is scheduled for next Saturday. If people say no, the Constitution would be examined anew. But opponents are opposed to referendum in principle and the presidency of Morsi. The ongoing upheavals in Egypt herald new polarization in the North African country.



Egyptian President Mohammed Morsi
The number of pro- or anti-Morsi demonstrators is unlikely to sway the voter turnout in the plebiscite, because demarcations between political parties and even people are so highlighted that they shatter any hope of compromise.

Morsi’s controversial decree and its annulment under pressure from massive street protests are indicative of his own and the influential pro-Morsi Muslim Brotherhood’s frustration. In a symbolic gesture, Morsi initially sent the army back to barracks in order to empty the country’s political scene of military presence, but now he feels he has no option but to resort to the army again and call on people to throng the streets in support of his decision. In order to calm people down, Morsi dropped his empowerment decree and lifted the value-added law. Negotiations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for receiving a 5-billion-dollar loan have been shelved and fulfillment of IMF condition for subsidy removal is likely to trigger street riots.

Barely does an hour pass without any news from Egypt. Tensions are running high. Some believe in revolutionary methods while some others say revolution would end in a new dictatorship.

The fresh dispute was touched off when Morsi increased his Constitutional power and announced a date for a referendum on the Constitution. After his surprise decisions, Morsi was compared with his predecessor Hosni Mubarak, referred to as the Pharaoh of Egypt.

The problem is that Egypt remains torn between the legitimacy of laws inherited from the former regime and the legitimacy of the revolution which overthrew Mubarak two years ago. After the revolution, the most symbolic move was the parliamentary election. But the legislative vote was declared null and void because the Mubarak-era electoral law was legally flawed. The parliament was closed so simply. Another example of conflict of legitimacy is about the trial of “camel attackers” who violently cracked down on anti-Mubarak protestors, killing and injuring a number of them. All suspects won acquittal because the laws adopted by the former regime could not indict them.


Morsi sacked the chief prosecutor, but he was reinstated because Mubarak-era laws did not authorize the president to dismiss the chief prosecutor who threatened to question the election of Morsi. The verdicts issued for Mubarak and his henchmen were so soft that they were even incredible for the former Egyptian ruler.

Egypt seems to have experienced no revolution and the only thing that has changed from the previous regime is the head of state. It is evident that a revolutionary establishment could not be administered by laws inherited from a regime against which people had revolted. That explains why Morsi’s patience ran thin soon and sought new authority even before a new Constitution is adopted. But there was no organ to empower him and he intervened in person.

That was the point which raised the concerns of opposition about the formation of a new dictatorship in the country. Opposition leaders are the defeated rivals of Morsi in the recent presidential election. Nobody can accuse them of being mercenary of foreign states.


A council set up to draft the Constitution submitted the draft law to the president to be put to a vote. The council was dominated by Muslim Brotherhood and Egyptian Salafis. Secular, Christian and national groups, and even representatives of Al-Azhar University pulled out of the council.

It is not clear if a party would win the ongoing political game in Egypt or comprise would be reached. A more significant challenge is that like in Tunisia, the revolution in Egypt had no leadership. Everyone feels to have led the revolution. Still worse, there was no premeditated program for the revolution and its future victory.

The US position vis-à-vis the ongoing crisis in Egypt remains shrouded in mystery. That is why many believe that Washington and Muslim Brotherhood have been in cahoots on the sly. The US maintains that no other group than Muslim Brotherhood is competent to run Egypt while its ambassador in Cairo is accused of having called on opponents of Morsi to set off wider street protests. The US envoy dismissed the charge.

UK waging endless wars

One ugly fact of life is emerging above all else in modern Britain: Permanent economic austerity at home now bestrides permanent war abroad.

Last week, in his latest budget statement, the Tory Chancellor George Osborne unveiled a program of cuts in public spending. The cuts represented the most draconian of their kind ever embarked on by any British government since the World War II.

Some GBP 30 billion (USD 50 billion) in savings are to be wrenched from social welfare entitlements and other public services, such as health and education.

This economic blitzkrieg is on top of the GBP 80bn (USD 130 billion) austerity barrage that the dubiously-elected Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government had earlier rolled out two years ago (recall that neither of these parties has a popular mandate from the 2010 British election).

The result? Austerity is here to stay in the United Kingdom, lasting until at least 2018 and more likely beyond that year. It is a shocking peremptory order when you think about it. The people are being told, “Poverty is your miserable lot and don’t even question it.”

In turn, the grim result will be blighted lives. The bottom half of British society is being forced to carry the burden of Britain’s record national debt levels - a debt that was imposed by its financial oligarchy in order to pay for its decades of looting and parasitism.

It truly conjures up a callous image of modern Britain and its ruling class. The lower orders are being stamped on and kicked in the teeth by the privileged wealthy in order to buoy up the sinking ship that is the fetid British economy.

Permanent austerity is just another way of saying “class war.” The British ruling class has given notice, through its mouthpiece chancellor, that war is now openly declared on the majority of workers, unemployed, pensioners, infirmed, and students. To be fair, the so-called opposition Labor party offers no alternative as it too has become a derisory servant of the rich.

While the top one percent of wealthy and corporate elite is lavished with tax subsidies, the majority of people will pay for this largesse through enforced material hardship, sickness, and death. When pensioners, for example, are forced to turn off their home heating this winter in order to scrimp some savings to pay for basic food items many more of these elderly will die from hypothermia and deprivation. That is the heinous reality behind all the glib economic statistics articulated by Osborne in the British House of Commons last week as he pontificated, “It’s a hard road, but it leads to a better future.” (Yes, it’s hard road all right for the millions of poor who are cushioning the millionaires like Chancellor Osborne.)

Meanwhile, it was rather apt in the same week that a separate report showed that Britain and the United States military have together launched some 1,200 drone strikes over a five-year-long period to date. These strikes have occurred in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Libya. Undisclosed information may well show that Britain has also participated in known American drone attacks elsewhere, such as Pakistan, Somalia, and Yemen.

According to the London-based Bureau of Investigative Journalism, British forces are playing an increasing role in assisting America’s worldwide drone assassination campaign. With countless thousands of deaths from such aerial attacks, it is a stark reminder that Britain - along with the US and other NATO powers - is in a state of permanent global war. A state of war that, like its economic austerity at home, seems to have no end.

The primary cost of these drone strikes and wars are the millions of innocent lives obliterated. Over a million in Iraq alone, 20,000 in Afghanistan, and countless tens of thousands elsewhere.

But let’s look at the financial cost of Britain’s permanent state of global war. In dollar terms and for the UK only, the bill for its 13-year-long illegal occupation in Afghanistan ending in 2014 is reckoned to reach USD 33 billion; while that for Iraq and Libya is calculated at USD 16 billion and USD 430 million respectively.

The total financial cost for just those three military adventures is approximately USD 50 billion. That sum is equivalent to the cost-cutting in public spending unveiled last week by the British government.

The brutal irony is that Britain’s reign of death and destruction abroad is to be paid for by a reign of death and destruction imposed through austerity on its own population over the next six years.

And just like the enforced economic austerity, there seems to be no end in sight to Britain’s warmongering around the world. While the British government claims that it has no money to pay for pensioner fuel bills or unemployment food stamps, it nevertheless somehow can find the financial wherewithal to fund armed groups in Syria to the tune of USD 80 million. These are the same groups that are trying to subvert the sovereign government in Damascus by killing thousands of Syrian civilians with no-warning car bombs and raiding villages to massacre women and children.

British Foreign Secretary William Hague has been one of the Western politicians calling most vociferously for increased foreign-backed criminality in Syria, although, the plumy-accented Hague does not put it in quite those stark terms.

Last week, Hague claimed that he was privy to secret information purportedly showing that the government forces of President Bashar al-Assad were preparing to deploy chemical weapons of mass destruction. Therefore, according to his twisted logic, Western powers must launch military attack on Syrian immediately. Tellingly, Hague could not reveal any specifics to support his threadbare scaremongering and warmongering pretext.

But the point is that the British government is itching for yet another bloody imperialist adventure, in Syria, to add to its already long list of war crimes in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Libya. And this is at a time when the British population is being bludgeoned with economic austerity.

The seeming contradiction in the British government’s policy is not a contradiction. It is entirely consistent. The military war on hapless foreign populations is but an extension of the economic war that is being waged against the majority of Britons. This is the function of capitalism - the exploitation of others for the benefit of elite rulers. It has always been so, but in this time of history, it has become transparently so.

This is not unique to Britain, of course. We see the same perverse logic and priorities being played out in the US and elsewhere in Europe. The French and German governments, for example, are crying poverty to their populaces, yet these same governments are readying to deploy drones in Mali and Patriot missiles in Turkey.

However, one thing is for sure: Economic and foreign policy run on the basis of inflicting suffering and death is doomed to fail. It is digging its own grave. Sooner or later the corrupt rulers will fall, or preferably be pushed, into the graves they are digging.  
 

 
 
 

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