Kofi Humado, Minister of Agric |
An
organic fertilizer company in Ghana located at Ejisu in the Ashanti Region has
continued to suffer low patronage since it began operations in 2009.
Speaking
to ghanabusinessnews.com during a tour of the company, the Chief Executive
Officer of Farmers Hope Company Limited, Mr. Akwasi Osei Bobie Ansah lamented
the inability of the Ministry of Agriculture to get involved in the project of
producing organic fertilizer to help Ghanaian farmers and consumers.
“If
government asks us to supply to SADA, it will help our work, so we appeal to
government to give us a try. Our fertilizer is very smooth, with little water
it gets into the soil,” he said.
According
to Ansah, since 2009, it is only this year that interest in organic fertilizer
is rising. And this is because government’s subsidized chemical fertilizer is
more expensive, so farmers are looking for alternatives.
Dr.
Kofi Buah, a former Seniour Research Scientist of the Council for Scientific
and Industrial Research (CSIR), who is the Soil Research consultant at Notill
Demonstration Farm has said on a recorded video documentary that, “unlike the
chemical fertilizer, this fertilizer is very rich and good because it is
applied to all crops and any soil just once. After that you wait for the
crop to mature and you can harvest. It doesn’t also need much water to help the
crop to grow well.”
Describing
how the fertilizer is produced, the Production Manager of the company, Michael
Aboagye Darko said they mix right and treated proportions of cocoa, potash,
bio-char, processed manure, neem cake, leguminous husks among others to produce
the fertilizer.
“We
are really helping to preserve the environment because we use organic
materials. We will create employment, help agriculture and protect the
environment if we are given the needed support,” Ansah said. The company can
produce between 1000 to 2000 bags of fertilizer a day, he adds.
Some
studies show that organic foods have more beneficial nutrients, such as
antioxidants, than their conventionally grown counterparts. In addition, people
with allergies to foods, chemicals, or preservatives often find their symptoms
lessen or go away when they eat only organic foods.
Organic
farming is good for the environment in that, it reduces pollution (air, water,
soil), conserve water, reduce soil erosion, increase soil fertility, and use
less energy.
Editorial
THE LAW AND PEACE
Pleading for peace has no doubt become one of
the biggest industries in Ghana in the run up to the Supreme Court decision on
the election petition.
Everybody is calling
for peace and many organizations are organizing lavish events to promote peace.
All of these cannot
be bad in themselves and The Insight believes that in times such as these those
who promote or even pretend to be promoting peace should not be condemned.
However, we know that if citizens and institutions will be
law abiding there will be no threat to peace.
For us, the key to securing peace is not the sermonizing
which has engulfed the whole country.
The answer to the problem is strict law enforcement.
The state ought to be in a position to enforce the law
without fear or favour.
This is the only way to guarantee peace.
The 6th Africa Agricultural Week Is Not About Science
Isaac Kweku Dadzie, Secretary of FSG |
The 6th
Africa Agriculture Science Week was held in Accra last week, July 15-20. Many
of the people attending Science Week are good people with very good intentions.
They want to develop African agriculture and make sure no one goes hungry. Many
of the sessions listed in the agenda appear very relevant. For example, there
are sessions to discuss ways to have a more gender sensitive approach to
agriculture, improving access to micro-finance for small holder farmers,
exploration of how ICT (Information and Communication Technologies) can assist
in promoting more sustainable and productive food production.
Despite this, we have a deep concern that our efforts in
sub-Saharan Africa to use “science” for the benefit for a more climate smart,
resilient and productive agriculture, that improves food nutrition of small
scale farmers in particular, is being heavily distorted and influenced by
well-funded information campaigns of the big agro-chemical companies, such as
Syngenta, Monstanto, Dupont, Bayer, and more. Many agricultural organizations
in Africa, such as AGRA, FARA in Ghana, and their partners, are generously
funded by these giant corporations, by the governments that host and sponsor
them, and by the foundations such as Gates and Rockefeller that invest in them.
These agribusiness, and their allies are doing all they can to
increase their profits by selling chemicals and inputs. A key objective is to
introduce patented Genetically Engineered seed into Ghana and Africa. They call
this science and claim it is to help feed more people. However, Genetic
Engineering is not about science, it is about money.
We support science, the most important science for farmers and
food production, agroecological science, that supports a multi-functional and a
farming systems-approach to agriculture, is being grossly neglected. There are
numerous studies that show the productive potential of agroecological
principles, including agroforestry, green manures, inter-cropping, mulching,
crop rotations, bio-pesticides,
livestock integration to not only increase overall productivity of small scale
farmers, but also reduce risks of climate change, improve nutrition, regenerate
soils and making farming more sustainable. The main thrust of investment in
science, however, is on industrial approaches to farming, including genetics
and use of vast quantities of herbicides and pesticides.
Recent research shows GE seeds are less productive than
conventional seeds. Where they have been productive they require more water,
and they require expensive chemicals that are toxic to humans and animals. Far
more factors go into plant productivity than just genetics. Once a country or a
region is growing GE crops, farmers lose the choice of whether to use GE seed
or not. Where GE crops grow the pollen contaminates the surrounding natural
crops. An entire region or country can very quickly become contaminated. The
spread cannot be controlled or recalled. Farmers and consumers then have no
choice, there are no natural or organic crops left, all have been contaminated.
The
farmers' only option is to buy the expensive GE seed from the foreign
corporations that own the patents to those seeds. Those seeds can have
terminator technology, meaning seeds from the GE crops are barren. Even when
they are not barren, the patents prevent farmers from legally saving and
replanting the seed. In the US and Canada, Monsanto has been vigorously suing
farmers even if they grow crops from their own seeds. If the farmers' natural
seeds are contaminated, Monsanto claims it owns the rights to the crop and the
farmers must pay Monsanto.
Genetic
Engineering has accomplished only two things: Genetic Engineering creates crops
that are resistant to herbicides, primarily the herbicide glyphosate and
Gentetic Enigineering creates crops that contain insecticides, primarily the insecticide Bt, bacillus thuringiensis.
This is not sustainable agriculture. This is not the way to overcome hunger and
malnutrition. This is not the pathway for Africa to adapt to climate change,
and conserve our soils. Genetic Engineering has long promised that as a
scientific approach, it can solve hunger. Most GMO crops in the world, however,
are used as feed for animals in industrial systems. There is very little record
of successes in developing countries for small scale farmers. There is little
evidence that GMOs have enabled small scale farmers to improve productivity and
adapt to climate change.
Another
major concern is that GE seed is far more expensive for farmers than saving
seed for the next planting. This forces farmers into a downward spiral of debt.
Obviously, it is more expensive for farmers to be forced to buy new seed every
year than when they can save seed for the next planting. This is not sustainable
agriculture. Farmers cannot save seeds from GE patented crops. They have to buy
new seed, new and stronger chemical fertilizers, and new and stronger
pesticides each year. And the price of the seed keeps going up.
If GE
seeds lived up to claims, if science might support these claims, the
multinational corporations who own the patents would be glad to allow
independent testing and encourage labeling. Instead they try to shut down
testing and labeling altogether. The only testing they permit is sponsored and
reviewed by them.
Ghana
is on the verge of starting to test GE seeds. This is part of the investment in
“agricultural science”. Genetic Engineering will poison Ghana's and Africa's
food supply and co-opt and contaminate its land and water. But in Ghana and
Africa more generally, GE science is failing to improve the entire farming
system. There is very little investment in ecological science to improve the
agricultural productivity, sustainability and resilience to climate change.
The
6th Africa Agriculture Science Week is not about true sustainability. Genetic
Engineering’s most lasting effect is that it allows stateless money to decide
who plants what and who eats what around the world. Ghana has good seeds, well
adapted to its climate, even as the climate changes. What small scale Ghanaian
farmers need is research and extension in support of agroecological farming.
And if “hunger” is the key problem to solve, beyond agroecology, what small
scale farmers need is access to markets, infrastructure, good roads and
transportation, and protection from land grabs. Above all, what Ghananian
farmers and consumers want is healthy, chemical free, patent free food.
For Life, the Environment, and Social Justice,
………………………………………..
Ali-Masmadi
Jehu-Appiah,
Chairperson,
FSG
ANC and Jesus
Julius Malema Commander-In-Chief of EFF |
The ANC needs Jesus to return to earth, because the party
has become arrogant and lost touch with the struggles of the oppressed people
of South African and the objective principles of the ANC, Economic Freedom
Fighters (EFF) leader Julius Malema has said.
“The ruling party has become arrogant. They said they were
going to rule until Jesus comes back. What kind of statement is that?” Malema
asked residents at an EFF rally Saturday July 13 in Sebokeng, south of
Johannesburg.
“They need Jesus. So Jesus has come back they must go out.
They are not the Alpha and Omega”.
He said the people of the country were the “Alpha and
Omega”.
“You must exercise power. We can take over this government,”
Malema said. In March 2009 President Jacob Zuma told ANC supporters in Mpumalanga
that the party would rule until Jesus returned.
Malema, who previously held the position of ANC Youth League
president, was expelled from the party last year.
He launched the EFF protest movement on July 11.
He said the EFF would have progressive economic policies and
firm anti-corruption policies. “Our organisation is founded on the principle of
anti-corruption,” he said. “No one found guilty of corruption… will wear the
beret,” he said, sporting a bright red EFF-branded beret.
Waiting
for Tambuwal’s revolution
By
Chido Onumah
This
piece has nothing to do with what is happening in Egypt. Ultimately, Nigerians,
based on their experience and the existing reality, will determine the
trajectory of the current impasse. It was spurred by the recent call for
revolution by Aminu Tambuwal, a 2015 presidential wannabe.
Last week, the speaker of the
House of Representatives joined the growing list of public officials calling
for revolution in Nigeria, a call that is not only cynical but downright
hypocritical.
Tambuwal
was guest speaker at the 2013 Distinguished Management Lecture of the Nigerian
Institute of Management (Chartered) and he spoke on the theme, ‘The role of the
legislature on the economic, infrastructural and ethical revolution in
Nigeria”. “Nigeria is due for revolution
– Tambuwal”, was how the Punch headlined its report of the speech.
According to Tambuwal, “The most compelling reasons for
revolution throughout the ages were injustice, crushing poverty,
marginalisation, rampant corruption, lawlessness, joblessness, and general
disaffection with the ruling elite. You will agree with me that these describe
conditions in our nation now, to a very large degree”.
It
was the same chorus that former president, Olusegun Obasanjo, sang last
November in a speech at a
West African regional conference on youth employment in Senegal. “Unless the
government of Nigeria takes urgent steps to arrest the menace of youth
unemployment and poverty, it is a certainty that Nigeria will see a revolution
soon”, Obasanjo said. For a man who had eleven years – three years (1976-79) as
a military dictator and eight years (1999-07) as an “elected” president – to
change the fortune of Nigeria but wasted it, it is understandable that Obasanjo
is seeking to make restitution and redeem himself.
For
Tambuwal who was represented by the Chairman, House of Representatives
Committee on Legislative Budget and Research, Mr. Opeyemi Bamidele, “That these
conditions exist is well known to all persons in authority but the results of
these successive efforts have failed to yield the desired results. This
therefore is the justification for the radical change from the present approach
to a revolutionary one”.
We can see a common thread that
is worrying in the extreme in this cacophony of revolutionary battle cry. These
voices belong to those who have brought us to this sad end. Both Tambuwal and Obasanjo, examples
of the opportunistic and vain-glorious elite that has held this country hostage
since independence, are leading figures in the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).
The PDP-led national government has in the last 14 years either created or
exacerbated “injustice, crushing poverty, marginalisation, rampant corruption,
lawlessness, joblessness, and general disaffection with the ruling elite”.
Considering
Tambuwal’s pedigree, it is unlikely that he authored or had any input in
drafting that speech that was clearly a publicity stunt. I am inclined to
believe that Mr. Bamidele, former radical student activist and ex-president of
the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) who represented the
speaker was merely expressing himself while invoking the name of the speaker.
Of course, Nigeria is due for revolution. Nobody
who has witnessed the way the country has been run, particularly in the last 14
years will deny that revolution is imminent. A country where the ruling class
connives with multinationals to dupe citizens in every sector deserves nothing
but a revolution. A country where homelessness is the rule rather than the
exception; a country where poverty, unemployment and hopelessness persist in
the midst of abundance, is ripe for a revolution. Not just any revolution, but
one that will usher a new era of wealth redistribution and reward for genuine
hard work as opposed to rewarding the indolence of our ruling elite.
Tambuwal and his cohorts can’t “dash” us this
revolution. Tambuwal’s grandstanding should, therefore, be noted for what it
is. As one commentator put it, “When the root of a problem
starts recommending the solution to the problem, something is amiss”. I will
give it to Tambuwal. He has become a star overnight, doing, saying and using
politically correct lingo for whatever it is worth.
Is Tambuwal really interested
in revolution, ethical or otherwise? I doubt it. In his opinion, “The most critical role that the
legislature plays is through the annual appropriation bill. As representatives
of the people, the legislature ensured that the more critical needs of the
people got priority attention, as efforts were made to ensure equitable
distribution of projects”. Which critical needs is Tambuwal talking about? The
collapse of education, health and social infrastructure across the country?
Let’s even leave the issue of the scandalous
salaries and allowances Tambuwal and his colleagues receive as “representatives
of the people” – salaries and allowances that are the highest in the world –
and focus on the “more
critical needs of the people” that Tambuwal talks about so glibly.
In a country where universities
have become glorified secondary schools, where workers are expected to survive
on N18,000 ($110) a month; a country with one the highest maternal mortality
rates in the world, where over 10 million school children are out of school,
Tambuwal’s House of Representatives approved over a N1 billion ($6million)
for food in 2012 for the
presidency, N1.7 billion ($11.3million) for the
vice president on trips and N1.3 billion ($8.6million) on office stationeries in 2012. This amount included N12 million ($80,000) on books, N45 million ($300,000) on newspapers, and N9 million ($60,000) on magazines and periodicals. A breakdown showed that the VP would
spend N723 million ($4.8 million) on local travels and N951 million ($6.3
million) on his international travels. That
is the kind of profligate house that Mr. Tambuwal superintends.
We have heard from those who
say Nigerians are too timid to carry out a revolution. Now, it is the turn of
those who want to wage the revolution on behalf of Nigerians on the pages of newspapers.
Of course, if we wait for Tambuwal’s revolution, we’ll wait in vain.
When the mass of our people
know that when they confront this oppressive system, they have nothing to lose
but their oppression, poverty and indignity they will embark on the necessary
journey of genuine revolutionary transformation of Nigeria.
An essential part of this
revolution is to tinker with the structure of the country which feeds the
corruption and impunity of which Tambuwal is a major beneficiary. Tambuwal, by
his own words, has invited the rebellion on himself and others in his class.
They should be concerned, really concerned!
Moscow names street after
Chavez
A street in Moscow was named after famous leader of the Bolivarian
Revolution, Hugo Chavez, who died on March 5th, 2013. Hugo Chavez Street
appeared in Moscow on Tuesday in the Khoroshovsky district in the north of
Moscow.
"Right now I feel that the memory of Chavez is alive. He
visited Moscow ten times and never felt like a stranger here. With his infinite
love for justice and equality, he crossed the borders of the land where he was
born. In the XXI century, he saw the new Russia. Chavez always remembered that Moscow
became the line that broke the claims of those who wanted to conquer the world
during the 1940s.
The ceremony was attended by representatives of the city
government, numerous Russian guests and members of diplomatic missions. After
the hymns of the two countries, Venezuelans, holding carnations in their hands,
started chanting "Chavez Forever!" and "Viva Maduro!"
According to the map, there are no residential buildings on Hugo
Chavez Street, so no one will have to change their passports. The street is 170
meters long; it connects Mikoyan Street and Leningrad Avenue. The new street is
a small park that leads to a hotel.
The decision to rename ten streets of Moscow, including the one to
be named after Hugo Chavez, was taken at a cabinet meeting about a week ago. An
official with the Public Relations Committee of the Moscow government said that
the decision to name the street after the late Venezuelan leader was initiated
by President Vladimir Putin.
Hugo Chavez became president of Venezuela in 1999. He won four
consecutive presidential elections, his last victory took place in October
2012, with a mandate to govern the country until 2019. Hugo Chavez died at age
58 in a military hospital in Caracas. He had been struggling with cancer for
nearly two years.
Jonathan’s Half-Time: Club Down,
Manager Out
By
Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai
May
6th 2013 would make it 3 years since Goodluck Ebele Jonathan became president
of Nigeria. As an elected government, the administration would be celebrating
its second anniversary next week. It therefore is the right time to look at how
well it has fared. Two years is sufficient time to examine what promises have
been kept, what projects are on schedule and which have been dumped altogether.
With elections drawing closer, it is
imperative that Nigerians know if the campaign promises made to them are being
fulfilled, especially as majority of the electorate admitted to casting votes
based on sentiments of a president from humble backgrounds who had no shoes.
Others voted because they shared Jonathan’s ethnic and religious affiliations.
Now is the time to reflect on whether our choices have translated into improved
socio-economic conditions for Nigerians.
Assessing the government’s
performance will provide valid basis for the electorate to make more informed
decisions at the next polls and perhaps set the tone for questions like: does
this candidate possess the leadership qualities required to govern a nation?
Does he/she have a track record of delivering on promises made? Is he/she an
achiever or able to make noteworthy differences in positions of trust?
Perhaps the process should begin by
highlighting the campaign promises made by President Jonathan more than two
years ago and subsequently evaluate these promises and the progress made on
them. Incidentally, because candidate Jonathan did not have a campaign
manifesto with targets and specific timelines, his campaign promises are vague
and achievement almost immeasurable. For agriculture, he proposed the
following:
On February 17th 2011, the
president promised the people of Benue state a five-year plan to revolutionize
agriculture and establish industries in the country as well as complete the
Otukpo irrigation project; on February 9, in Bauchi and on March 20,
in Birnin Kebbi, he assured that the Jada irrigation project and Kafin Zaki dam
in Taraba, Adamawa and Bauchi would be pursued to boost agriculture and
industrial development; In Lokoja on February 21, he promised to explore
the agricultural potential of the state to boost food security; in Ilorin, also
on Feb 21, he promised to grant loans to farmers and ensure the
agricultural transformation of Kwara State and in Jos on February 17, he
promised to build more dams and complete ongoing ones in order to boost
irrigation farming in Plateau; he also promised to encourage the establishment
of more agricultural research institutes.
Continuing with his campaign in
Akure on March 2, Jonathan promised to provide funds for mechanized
farming and agro-based industries, quoting him, he promised; “to open up the
flank of semi and mechanized farming in the State to engender a paradigm shift
from subsistence farming to reliable modern agricultural practices”; in Osogbo,
he promised to enhance agricultural irrigation and provide farmers with
adequate information; in Kaduna, he promised massive transformation of the
agricultural sector through construction of large dams and distribution of
fertilizers. At the Presidential Summit on Job Creation in Abuja on April
12, he promised to make Nigeria an exporter of rice.
On infrastructure, the president
declared that roads and other basic infrastructure would be developed in four
years; he said in Ibadan onFebruary 9 and in Bida, February
22 that road construction would take a new five-year structure, ending
yearly budgetary allocations; in Aba he promised to provide facilities that
would boost the enterprising spirit of the Igbo; upgrade the Enugu airport to
international level; dredge the River Niger; build a dry port; complete the
Second Niger Bridge; rehabilitate all the main roads into Abia and tackle the
erosion crisis.
While in Uyo, he promised to build
coastal roads and rail from Lagos to Calabar, in Awka he promised to construct
all major roads which link Anambra with its neighbors and complete the Onitsha
Inland Port. He equally promised to provide potable water to Onitsha and Nnewi
cities and tackle erosion in the South-East; in Dutse, Jonathan promised to
establish airports in all the states without airports, with Jigawa as his
starting point; in Abakaliki, he promised the South East zone priority in
fixing its dilapidated road network and to dualize the Enugu-Abakaliki road
within one year. He also promised to establish a secretariat for ALL Federal
government's agencies and parastatals in Ebonyi.
In Lokoja , Jonathan promised to
revive the Ajaokuta Steel Complex and the Itakpe Iron Ore Company; ensure the
speedy completion of the Lokoja-Abuja road project, and dredge the lower and
upper River Niger; in Ilorin he promised the rehabilitation of the nation’s
railway system the Ilorin-Mokwa road; in Jos , promised to complete the
Vom-Manchok-Jos road to boost economic links between Plateau and Kaduna states
and in Abeokuta, he promised to revive the railway system; revive ailing
refineries and build new refineries.
Promises were coming in thick and
fast: In Osogbo on March 2, he promised to complete the Lagos-Jebba rail
project right away and to complete the Ife-Ijesa dam; at the Northern Economic
Summit, Kaduna, on March 19, Jonathan promised to spend N350 billion in
building small dams across the North in the next four years to stimulate
“massive irrigational farms”; in Benue, he promised that the Benue Bridge
projects will be worked on in the next four years; also in Kwara State,
President Jonathan pledged that the Jebba-Mokwa road and Jebba Bridge would be
given adequate attention to ease transportation; in Sokoto, he promised to
rehabilitate the abandoned Shagari irrigation project and fight the menace of
desertification in the country.
On education, Jonathan made the
following promises: in Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, he promised a
holistic review of the nation’s education policy; in Bauchi, he promised to
establish two universities in the region and construct schools with modern
facilities for 9.5 million Almajiris; in Birnin Kebbi, he promised to establish
schools for Almajiris and ensure the take-off of the Federal University in
Kebbi by 2012. In Lokoja on February 21, he promised to establish a new
federal university in the state; In Lafia; in Gusau on March 15, he
promised to establish a Federal University of Technology within one year.
Some of the promises made with
regards to the economy are: in Ibadan, President Jonathan promised to “create
jobs”; in Port Harcourt, he promised to build a petrochemical plant that will
create job opportunities for the Niger Delta youths; in Plateau, he pledged to
refocus on the solid mineral development and launch “a straight fight” against
poverty; to create wealth by improving power and water supply; on February
24, Mr. President pledged to rehabilitate all ailing industries in Aba and make
Aba the hub aircraft production in Nigeria; in Asaba, he revealed that “The
NNPC is developing a new programme that will absorb about 5,000 youths in the
state” and promised to unveil a five-year development plan; in Ondo, he
promised the exploitation of the vast bitumen deposits; in Katsina, he promised
to enhance the living standard of Nigerians through implementation of
people-oriented programmes and in Kano, he pledged to encourage the development
of small and medium scale enterprises; during the one-man presidential debate
on March 31 in Abuja, he promised to expand and develop the
downstream sector of the oil and gas industry to provide about one million
jobs.
In Lagos on February 28,
Jonathan promised to partner with Lagos State in the interest of its continuous
growth and the nation’s economic buoyancy. “We have taken this period to study
what we are going to do and by your mandate in May 29, we will hit the
ground running,” he said. On Feb 21 in Ilorin, he promised to tackle
poverty and revitalize ailing industries; in Abuja on March 21 at a
meeting with leaders of the National Union of Road Transport Workers, he
promised to build car manufacturing or assembly plants.
Concerning security, the president
made the following promises: In Aba and Enugu on February 12, he promised
to stamp out kidnapping; in Bauchi, he guaranteed that he would combat rising
terrorism in the area; in Ilorin also on Feb 21, Jonathan promised to end
discrimination along ethnic and religious lines. On February 7, in Lafia,
he said he would clampdown on kidnappers and criminals; pursue law breakers to
the ends of the Earth, and ensure there would be no sacred cows. In Ibadan, at
the South-West launch of the campaign, he promised to: run a transparent
government; treat all citizens equally and respect law and order.
To address the epileptic power
supply in the country, President Jonathan promised the following: In Awka
on Feb 26, he said the ongoing aero-dynamic survey of gas in the Anambra
River basin would be completed, leading to increased power supply and
a Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) industry. He vowed that Nigerians would not be
talking about generators after his four years in office. In Lafia, he promised
to end chronic power shortages; in Minna on Feb 15, he promised to
establish three power projects in the state at a cost of $2.1bn (about N315bn).
On Feb 25 in Anambra, he
announced plans to build a power station in the state and on March
12, he promised improved power supply before the end of the year through
the Integrated Power Project (IPP) initiative in Ogun state; in Bauchi
on February 9, he assured that projects such as the Mambilla
hydro-electricity would be pursued.
President Jonathan’s promises on oil
and gas include: To revive ailing oil refineries and build new ones
(Abeokuta March 12); to invest in petrochemicals, mining, research and
development (Osogbo, March 2); at the launch of his South-South Campaign,
he promised to commence “transformational changes” in the South-South; he said
the NNPC had begun investing in the petrochemical industry in the region and
that the people in the region would be given a voice in the oil and gas
sector. He promised to make the Niger Delta region the hub of the
petrochemical industry in Africa. He also guaranteed the implementation of
Local Content Law and Petroleum Industry Bill (Port Harcourt, February
12); that oil revenues would be managed better and a refinery would be
constructed (Lafia, February 7).
In Asaba on February 26 he
promised to transform the Nigerian oil and gas industry and make it the
destination of choice for investors in Africa; convene a stakeholders meeting
across the country where communities will be able to determine their priority
programmes; he promised to intensify oil and gas exploration in the North-East
Zone (Bauchi, February 9); he pledged to build more refineries and
encourage downstream activities (March 12, Ogun state).
Interestingly with the barrage of
challenges in the health sector, not many of the promises were focused on
health. Here are a few promises he made: In Abakaliki on Feb 25, he
promised the South East geo-political zone priority attention in healthcare
delivery and that the Federal Medical Centre in Abakaliki would be converted to
a teaching hospital;
Next week, we would evaluate the
fulfillment of these promises (partial or complete) within the two year period
of the President’s tenure. We would also welcome feedback from our readers on
specific promises made by the president to assess his performance.
Iraq: Between Drug Dealers and Death Squads
Late Iraqi President Saddam Hussein |
As a result of nationalised
oil, during the 1980’s the Government of Saddam Hussain had run literacy
campaigns, which saw illiteracy drop to less than 10% of Iraq’s entire population. UNESCO
applauded the fact, that Iraqis were able to access free education and come out
with qualifications and employment on the other side. It was stated in 1998:
“UNESCO said that Iraq was one of the only countries in the world
where, even if you were born in absolute poverty, with illiterate parents you
could come out of the education system either a brain surgeon, archaeologist or
whatever you wished to become.”
What has tragically replaced education, stability and employment
is an increasing subservience to alcohol and drugs, with “violence,
unemployment and poverty” leading to a dramatic “increase in alcohol abuse,”
according Younis Obeidi, a psychiatrist at the Ibn Rushd Hospital.
Kamel Ali, head of the Iraqi Health Ministry’s drug and
alcohol-prevention programme, stated in 2007 “the consumption of alcohol in Iraq has surprisingly
increased”, with “every day more patients looking for help as their addiction
begins to seriously affect their personal lives.”
“Iraq has one of the worst
treatment and follow-up regimes for alcohol abusers in the Middle-East,” Ali
states, with staff shortages further complicating the situation and denying
patients access to consistent after-care.
That same year, the Iraqi Psychologists
Association illustrated how an internal study had shown “the number of
alcoholics in care had increased by 34 percent compared to the figure for June
2006″ but a lack of funding, had prevented the study from being published.
Drugs have also become an alternative to the squalor of poverty,
as the first three years of theUS/UK occupation, saw over 2
million people “living below the poverty line”. In May 2005, the UN announced,
that Iraq was about to become a transit station
for heroine, “which is manufactured in Afghanistan and is heading towards Europe through neighbouring Iran”.
Having been made homeless due to sectarian violence and left
unemployed, Abu Teif turned to the selling of drugs to “support his family –
three children and a handicapped wife”, whose disability was caused by
militants shooting her “for not wearing a veil”.
“At the beginning it was like a miracle. It was easy work and I
had a lot of clients and I didn’t even know the effect of the drugs.I learned
what the effects could be only after an addict tried to kill me to get heroin.”
“I started to see food in my home again. My grandchildren also
started eating well and my wife was able to get proper treatment for her leg,
but those days soon ended”, when drug dealers started to extort more money from
him and then threatened to kill his wife and family if he tried to escape the
drugs trade”.
“I don’t know how to escape this life” Abu Teif stated, “If I try
to run away with my family they will find me”, his words echoing the same fears
as those fleeing death squads, “I started to do wrong by selling drugs and now
I’m paying the price.”
In a July article for news agency Al-Monitor, journalist Adnan Abu
Zeed warned: “the negative effects of illegal drugs in Iraq are
becoming more apparent” as Iraq “is being transformed from a country
that exports drugs into a consumer of them”.
Zeed described a situation, where throughout Iraqi cities, growing
numbers of young people are high on drugs, where this new generation of war’s
children, are finding solace in the arms of these substances.
Drugs are also spreading like wildfire in places that use child
labour, such as car repair shops, and road junctions where cheap goods are
sold. Asaad Yassin is just one example, who at the tender age of 14, is also a
drug addict.
Abu Sami, whose eldest son is addicted to drugs declared: “My fear
is no longer about an explosive or a car bomb, but about the terrorism of
addiction.” Ahmad al-Jubouri, a middle school teacher from Babel is unable to help his heroin-addicted brother, because the
city has no drug rehabilitation centre.
At the end of 2012, an Iraqi parliamxentary committee stated, “The
security, the judicial and the health services are embarrassed about the spread
of drugs”, and police sources claim
“Investigating [those boys] is not part of [the police’s] daily duties”.
Meanwhile, the Iraqi Ministry of Interior’s response has been
to issue a statement, which simply states that drugs “cause a person to commit
crime.”
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