 |
| Former President Kufuor |
This
important election promise was carried by no other newspaper than the
NPP-friendly paper, the “Chronicle”.
However, when
the NPP was given the mandate, they completely abandoned their promise of free
SHS and instead went grabbing government lands and allocating affordable houses
to their families and supporters. This
is how The Chronicle carried the news:
Source: Chronicle
“Pres. Kufuor Assures Nation of Free Education
Juaben/Ashanti, Nov. 4 2004, Chronicle -
“President John Agyekum Kufuor has
indicated that when the NPP is given the mandate to go for the second term in
the coming election, his government would ensure free and quality education for
children of between the school-going age of 4 and 16 years.
“The President said this policy would afford children who had been denied access to education as a result of poverty, the chance to go to school.
“He described as unfortunate the situation where people tended to read politics into issues concerning education, saying, "Education is the key to development and must be of concern to all".
“Speaking at a durbar of the chiefs and people at Juaben in the Ejisu/Juaben district during his tour of Ashanti, Mr. Kufuor noted that the NPP saw education as a major priority, saying, "to the NPP, education comes first before politics".
“President Kufuor said the government would also reconsider the welfare of teachers to enhance quality education by increasing opportunities for the training of teachers through the improvement of facilities at the training colleges…..
“He again charged them not to vote for Independent candidates who claimed to be NPP members. "If they persuade you to vote for them, ask them about which people they would consult on issues when they finally get there".
“President Kufuor commended the Chief of Juaben, Nana Otuo Serebuor for his commitment to the Presidential Special Initiative and assured him of the government's support in both the oil palm plantation and shear butter production.
Nana Serebuor praised the government too for its good policies and initiatives from which the Ejisu/Juaben District had benefited in so many ways including education, health and infrastructure development.”
“The President said this policy would afford children who had been denied access to education as a result of poverty, the chance to go to school.
“He described as unfortunate the situation where people tended to read politics into issues concerning education, saying, "Education is the key to development and must be of concern to all".
“Speaking at a durbar of the chiefs and people at Juaben in the Ejisu/Juaben district during his tour of Ashanti, Mr. Kufuor noted that the NPP saw education as a major priority, saying, "to the NPP, education comes first before politics".
“President Kufuor said the government would also reconsider the welfare of teachers to enhance quality education by increasing opportunities for the training of teachers through the improvement of facilities at the training colleges…..
“He again charged them not to vote for Independent candidates who claimed to be NPP members. "If they persuade you to vote for them, ask them about which people they would consult on issues when they finally get there".
“President Kufuor commended the Chief of Juaben, Nana Otuo Serebuor for his commitment to the Presidential Special Initiative and assured him of the government's support in both the oil palm plantation and shear butter production.
Nana Serebuor praised the government too for its good policies and initiatives from which the Ejisu/Juaben District had benefited in so many ways including education, health and infrastructure development.”
It is therefore a great wonder
that certain sections of the Ghanaian population should have taken the NPP
seriously when they decided to resurrect this hoax in 2012.
Considering the NPP’s false
promise in 2004, it follows, just as day follows night, that the 2012 promise
of free SHS was also a mammoth hoax.
The French are likely to get their wish, especially following the recent political fiasco engineered by the country’s strong man and coup leader Capt. Amadou Haya Sanogo. The Americans also covet intervention, but one that would serve their growing interests in the Sahel region.
African countries are divided and have no clear alternative on how to restore Mali’s territorial integrity - and equally important political sovereignty - disjointed between Tuareg secessionists and militants in the north and factionalized army in the south.
The current crisis in Mali is the recent manifestation of a recurring episode of terrible suffering and constant struggles. It goes back much earlier than the French officials in particular wish to recall. True, there is much bad blood between the various forces that are now fighting for control, but there is also much acrimony between Mali and France, the latter having conquered Mali (then called French Sudan) in 1898.
After decades of a bitter struggle, Mali achieved its independence in 1960 under the auspices of a socialist government led by President Modibo Keita. One of his very early orders of business was breaking away with French influence and the Franc zone.
Turmoil defined Mali for many years since then, even after the country achieved a level of political stability in 1992. At the time it was believed that Mali was fast becoming a model for democracy, at least in the West Africa region. Few years later, thousands of refugees from the ever-neglected and under-represented Tuaregs began returning to their towns and villages mostly in the vast desert region in northern Mali.
That return was introduced by a peace agreement signed between Tuaregs and the central government. Little on the ground has changed. Various bands, some homegrown, others fleeing fighting in neighboring countries, especially Algeria, found haven in Mali’s north and west. At times, they fought amongst each other, at times they served some unclear agendas of outside parties, and at times they created temporary alliances amongst themselves.
While France attempted to keep Mali in its sphere of influence - thus its decision in 2002 to cancel over a third of Mali’s debt - the United States was also taking interest in Mali’s crucial position in the Sahel regions and the prospects created by the un-governability of the northern regions.
The importance of the al-Qaeda narrative to the American role in the Sahel was highlighted in the last presidential debate between President Barack Obama and his Republican opponent, Mitt Romney. To flex some political muscles, perhaps Romney warned of “al-Qaeda type individuals” threatening to turn Mali into a new Afghanistan.
Other western experts on the Sahel dispute the analogy, however claiming that Mali is descending into a Sudan-like model instead. Either way, the people of Mali are currently suffering the consequences of the burgeoning conflict, which reflects a convoluted mix of foreign agendas, extremist ideologies and real grievances of Malian tribes in the north and west.
The south of the country is not exactly an oasis of stability. The ongoing territorial struggle and political volatility are threatening the whole country, which has been battling a cruel famine and pitiless warlords. The most dominant faction in the Malian army is led by US-trained Army Capt. Amadou Sanogo, who on March 22 led a coup against President Amadou Toumani Toure. Sanogo’s reasoning - blaming Toure for failing to stamp out growing militant influence in the north - sounded more like a pretense than a genuine attempt at recovering the disintegrating country.
It remains unclear who Sanogo’s backers are, especially since France and the US are relatively tolerant of his political transgressions and violent conduct. Sanogo’s coup came shortly before elections, scheduled for last April. While the African Union (AU) reacted assertively to the coup by suspending Mali’s membership, western powers remained indecisive. Despite a half-hearted handing over of power from the coup leaders to a civilian government of President Dioncounda Traore, Sanogo remain firmly in charge. In May, the junta struck again, retaking power, as pro-Sanogo mobs almost beat president Traore to death inside his presidential compound.
Sanogo, empowered by the lack of decisiveness to his conduct, continued to play some political game or another. A short lived “national unity government” under Prime Minister Cheick Modibo Diarra was more or less toppled when Diarra was arrested by Sanogo’s men. He was forced to concede power and install a little known government administrator as his predecessor.
Sonogo’s political show continues, especially as the West African regional grouping (ECOWAS), along with the AU remains focused on what they perceive as a more urgent priority: ending the territorial disintegration in the north and west.
The conflict in the north is in a constant influx. Alliances change, thus the nature of the conflict is in perpetual alteration. Large consignments of weapons that were made available during NATO’s war in Libya early last year, made their way to various rebel and militant groups throughout the region. The Tuaregs had received support from the ousted Libyan government and were dispersed during and following the war. Many of them returned to Mali, battle-hardened and emboldened by the advanced weapons.
Fighting in the north began in stages, most notably in January 2012. Sanogo’s coup created the needed political vacuum for Tuaregs' National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) to declare independence in the north a mere two weeks later. The declaration was the result of quick military victories by MNLA and its militant allies, which led to the capture of Gao and other major towns.
These successive developments further bolstered Islamic and other militant groups to seize cities across the country and hold them hostage to their ideologies and other agendas. For example, Ansar al-Din had reportedly worked jointly with the MNLA, but declared a war "against independence" in June, as soon as it secured its control over Timbuktu. Al-Tawhid wa al-Jihad, along with AQIM made their moves. The allies soon became bitter enemies.
Last September, rebels from various groupings in control of the north began advancing onto other strategic areas in the center and south-west parts of the country. Their territorial advances are now made against government-held towns and areas that are still controlled by Azawad Tuareg rebels.
There is now semi-consensus on the need for military intervention in Mali, although some differences persist over the nature and scope of that intervention. Sanogo himself has little interest in seeing other West African powers jockeying for influence in Bamako, which could threaten his thus far unchallenged rule. Moreover, it is unclear how affective military force can be, as the territorial fragmentation, many militant groupings and political discord throughout the country are almost impossible to navigate.
The stability of West Africa is surely at stake. The chances of a political solution are all but completely dissipated. The growing chaos will likely benefit interventionist states - France and the US in particular. A long-drawn new “war on terror,” will justify further intervention in West Africa and more meddling in the affairs of ECOWAS countries.
A few years ago, a new “scramble for Africa” was unleashed due to China’s growing influence in the continent. It was heightened by a more recent North African turmoil caused by the so-called Arab Spring. Opportunities are now abound for those ready to stake more claims over a long exploited region.
MD FOR
COURT
Mr. Kweku Botwe, Acting Managing Director of the Ghana Water
Company Limited may soon be dragged to court for bulk breaking of contracts.
 |
| Ghana Water MD, Kweku Botswe |
A fact-finding committee set up by the Ministry of Water
Resources, Works and Housing has firmly recommended that “the law must be
invoked” against the acting managing director.
Breaking of contract into smaller bids to avoid the
threshold of the Board is a breach of the provisions of the Public Procurement Act
of 2003, Act 663.
The penalty for offence is summary conviction of a fine not
exceeding 1,000 penalty units or a term of imprisonment not exceeding five
years or both.
The Committee claimed that in December 2008, the water
company carried out a pipe laying project in some communities in the central
region in which 88 contracts were awarded.
The contract sum
ranged range from GhȻ9,
998.80.
“In the opinion of the Committee the contracts were awarded
by the Acting Managing Director with the intent to avoid the threshold of the
Board which is GhȻ10,000.00
and largely to circumvent the procurement process” he report said.
The committee wrote that “When The Acting Managing
Director’s attention was drawn to this malpractice, he retorted” Given the
chance, I will break the law again to achieve my intended result”.
The committee recommended the re-composition of the
procurement structures and called for stringent measures to be put in place o
deter management from awarding piece-meal contracts.
The committee also recommended that the Ministry should
institute a body to conduct thorough procurement audit to ascertain the extent
to which value for money was attained by the company through its procurement
processes from 2008 to date.
Editorial
IT IS
TIME TO WORK
Mr. John Dramani Mahama has finally been sworn in as the
Fourth President of the Fourth Republic of Ghana.
The Jubilation by his supporters and members of the National
Democratic Congress (NDC) is obviously not over yet but this is perhaps the
best time to remind the new administration that there is a lot of work to be
done.
Ghana has plenty natural resources; gold, diamond, timber,
rivers, alumina, oil, gas, a highly educated
population and more.
In spite of these, many Ghanaians are in the grip of
excruciating poverty and they are unable to access social services such as
housing, education and health.
There are many communities which do not have access to
portable water and regular supply of electricity.
The unemployment rate is also reported to be rising and
there are hundreds if not thousands of graduates of the country’s universities
and other tertiary institutions who cannot find jobs.
Many Ghanaians who manage to find jobs continue to suffer
cannot of social and economic humiliation.
In the face of this reality, the new administration has no
option but to get to work immediately and step up the effort to improve the lot
of underprivileged Ghanaians.
It is important to keep in mind that blind acceptance of the
prescriptions of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund for
national economic recovery has failed to resolve the hydra-headed problems of
the people of Ghana.
The doctrinaire privatization of state enterprises, the
withdrawal of subsides on social services, the free fall of the cedi and other
neo-liberal measures will take Ghana nowhere.
In our view the time has come to embark upon the path of national
self-reliance with emphasis on exploiting Ghanaian resources for the benefit of
the people of Ghana and not the vampires in the colonial metropolis.
There is work to be done and President Mahama and his team
have to realize this quickly.
OUR COURTS AND ELECTORAL MALPRACTICES
By
Kwasi Duodu
The suspense in which the NPP Leadership held Ghanaians for
nearly 21 days before going to court over the result of the Presidential
election result alongside an earlier meeting between the political parties and
the Electoral Commission over the reported registration of under-aged teenagers
below 18 years, which created the impression that those under-aged violators of
the electoral law were going to be left free to vote after which a decision
would be taken on what can be done, have created the impression that our courts
have no roles to play over electoral malpractices in Ghana.
This is not true. The law has provisions for almost every
hierarchy of the courts in election matters.
It is true that the Family Tribunal has no criminal
jurisdiction of any kind in electoral disputes or electoral offences. This
court indeed cannot hear any cases related to the elections whatsoever.
The District Court also has no civil jurisdiction of any
kind in electoral disputes, but has criminal jurisdiction in handling electoral
offences.
This court can only hear criminal offences such as when a
voter is threatened to vote in a certain way or when someone sells alcoholic
drinks within 500 meters of a polling station or prevents an officer of the
Electoral Commission from performing his official duties etc.
Starting from the lower courts, the juvenile court also has
criminal jurisdiction over juveniles in electoral offences.
In fact, persons under 18 years who commit crimes in
relation to the elections will be prosecuted in this court.
Examples of some of the crimes for which persons may be
prosecuted include promoting disharmony, hatred or enmity against other persons
or groups with the intention of training them in the use of force or violence
against other persons; seeking to influence voting in whatever manner within
500 metres of a pooling station, etc.
The District Court
The District Court has no civil jurisdiction of any kind in
electoral disputes. Indeed, this court cannot hear any cases relating to the
Presidential or Parliamentary elections.
The District Court also has criminal jurisdiction in
handling electoral offences. This court however only hears criminal cases
relating to the elections. Some of the criminal offences for which a person can
be prosecuted include threatening a voter to make him/her vote in a certain
way; selling alcoholic drinks 500 metres of a pooling station; preventing an
officer of the Electoral Commission from performing his duties, etc.
The Circuit Court
The Circuit Court has no jurisdiction in election disputes
of any kind. Indeed, this court will not hear any cases relating to the
Presidential or Parliamentary election, but has jurisdiction in dealing with
electoral offences. This court will deal with criminal matters that are related
to the elections, e.g. multiple registrations, bribing a voter to vote in a
certain way, selling or buying ballot papers, attempting to vote in the name of
some other person, printing ballot papers without authorization, etc.
The High Court
The High Court has original jurisdiction in handling
election disputes in Parliamentary elections – that is all civil cases relating
to the Parliamentary election should be started from here.
The High Court also has original and appellate jurisdiction
in dealing with electoral offences. This court indeed will hear new criminal
cases relating to the elections as well as appeals of criminal cases in respect
of the elections.
The Regional Tribunal
The Regional Tribunal has no original or appellate
jurisdiction in election disputes. It will not hear any new civil cases
relating to the Presidential or Parliamentary elections. It will also not hear
any appeals of civil cases relating to the Presidential or Parliamentary
elections. It however has jurisdiction in election offences such as criminal
cases relating to the election being started from the Regional Tribunal.
The Court of Appeal
This court has appellate jurisdiction in Parliamentary
election disputes and appeals from the decision of a high court in a civil case
relating to the Parliamentary election can be heard here.
The Supreme Court
This court has original jurisdiction in handling all
election disputes in Presidential election. If you have a civil case in respect
of the Presidential elections, start from here. It however has no appellate
jurisdiction in Parliamentary elections. This court will however not hear
appeals that concern Parliamentary elections.
West Africa, next stop for war on
terror
By Ramzy Baroud
France is insisting on ‘rapid’ military intervention in
Mali. Its unmanned drones have reportedly been scouring the desert of the
troubled West African nation - although it claims that the drones are seeking
the whereabouts of six French hostages believed to be held by al-Qaeda.
 |
| A drone to be deployed in Africa |
The French are likely to get their wish, especially following the recent political fiasco engineered by the country’s strong man and coup leader Capt. Amadou Haya Sanogo. The Americans also covet intervention, but one that would serve their growing interests in the Sahel region.
African countries are divided and have no clear alternative on how to restore Mali’s territorial integrity - and equally important political sovereignty - disjointed between Tuareg secessionists and militants in the north and factionalized army in the south.
The current crisis in Mali is the recent manifestation of a recurring episode of terrible suffering and constant struggles. It goes back much earlier than the French officials in particular wish to recall. True, there is much bad blood between the various forces that are now fighting for control, but there is also much acrimony between Mali and France, the latter having conquered Mali (then called French Sudan) in 1898.
After decades of a bitter struggle, Mali achieved its independence in 1960 under the auspices of a socialist government led by President Modibo Keita. One of his very early orders of business was breaking away with French influence and the Franc zone.
Former colonial powers rarely abandon their ambitions, even
after their former colonies gain hard-earned freedom. They remain deeply
entrenched by meddling in various ways that destabilize the former colonies.
Then, when opportune, they militarily intervene to uphold the status quo. In
1968, Keita was ousted from power, and few years later in 1977, he died in a
lonely cell. His death ushered in mass protests, compelling few cosmetic
gestures towards a new constitution and half-hearted democracy.
Turmoil defined Mali for many years since then, even after the country achieved a level of political stability in 1992. At the time it was believed that Mali was fast becoming a model for democracy, at least in the West Africa region. Few years later, thousands of refugees from the ever-neglected and under-represented Tuaregs began returning to their towns and villages mostly in the vast desert region in northern Mali.
That return was introduced by a peace agreement signed between Tuaregs and the central government. Little on the ground has changed. Various bands, some homegrown, others fleeing fighting in neighboring countries, especially Algeria, found haven in Mali’s north and west. At times, they fought amongst each other, at times they served some unclear agendas of outside parties, and at times they created temporary alliances amongst themselves.
While France attempted to keep Mali in its sphere of influence - thus its decision in 2002 to cancel over a third of Mali’s debt - the United States was also taking interest in Mali’s crucial position in the Sahel regions and the prospects created by the un-governability of the northern regions.
Of course, the all-inclusive definition of al-Qaeda served
as the ever-convenient ruse to justify American involvement. Al-Qaeda has been
used by Washington to rationalize the establishment of the US Africa Command
(AFRICOM). It was set up in 2008 to manage US military interests in the whole
continent with the exception of Egypt. The US State Department claimed that
AFRICOM “will play a supportive role as Africans build democratic institutions
and establish good governance across the continent.”
The importance of the al-Qaeda narrative to the American role in the Sahel was highlighted in the last presidential debate between President Barack Obama and his Republican opponent, Mitt Romney. To flex some political muscles, perhaps Romney warned of “al-Qaeda type individuals” threatening to turn Mali into a new Afghanistan.
Other western experts on the Sahel dispute the analogy, however claiming that Mali is descending into a Sudan-like model instead. Either way, the people of Mali are currently suffering the consequences of the burgeoning conflict, which reflects a convoluted mix of foreign agendas, extremist ideologies and real grievances of Malian tribes in the north and west.
The south of the country is not exactly an oasis of stability. The ongoing territorial struggle and political volatility are threatening the whole country, which has been battling a cruel famine and pitiless warlords. The most dominant faction in the Malian army is led by US-trained Army Capt. Amadou Sanogo, who on March 22 led a coup against President Amadou Toumani Toure. Sanogo’s reasoning - blaming Toure for failing to stamp out growing militant influence in the north - sounded more like a pretense than a genuine attempt at recovering the disintegrating country.
It remains unclear who Sanogo’s backers are, especially since France and the US are relatively tolerant of his political transgressions and violent conduct. Sanogo’s coup came shortly before elections, scheduled for last April. While the African Union (AU) reacted assertively to the coup by suspending Mali’s membership, western powers remained indecisive. Despite a half-hearted handing over of power from the coup leaders to a civilian government of President Dioncounda Traore, Sanogo remain firmly in charge. In May, the junta struck again, retaking power, as pro-Sanogo mobs almost beat president Traore to death inside his presidential compound.
Sanogo, empowered by the lack of decisiveness to his conduct, continued to play some political game or another. A short lived “national unity government” under Prime Minister Cheick Modibo Diarra was more or less toppled when Diarra was arrested by Sanogo’s men. He was forced to concede power and install a little known government administrator as his predecessor.
Sonogo’s political show continues, especially as the West African regional grouping (ECOWAS), along with the AU remains focused on what they perceive as a more urgent priority: ending the territorial disintegration in the north and west.
The conflict in the north is in a constant influx. Alliances change, thus the nature of the conflict is in perpetual alteration. Large consignments of weapons that were made available during NATO’s war in Libya early last year, made their way to various rebel and militant groups throughout the region. The Tuaregs had received support from the ousted Libyan government and were dispersed during and following the war. Many of them returned to Mali, battle-hardened and emboldened by the advanced weapons.
Fighting in the north began in stages, most notably in January 2012. Sanogo’s coup created the needed political vacuum for Tuaregs' National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) to declare independence in the north a mere two weeks later. The declaration was the result of quick military victories by MNLA and its militant allies, which led to the capture of Gao and other major towns.
These successive developments further bolstered Islamic and other militant groups to seize cities across the country and hold them hostage to their ideologies and other agendas. For example, Ansar al-Din had reportedly worked jointly with the MNLA, but declared a war "against independence" in June, as soon as it secured its control over Timbuktu. Al-Tawhid wa al-Jihad, along with AQIM made their moves. The allies soon became bitter enemies.
Last September, rebels from various groupings in control of the north began advancing onto other strategic areas in the center and south-west parts of the country. Their territorial advances are now made against government-held towns and areas that are still controlled by Azawad Tuareg rebels.
There is now semi-consensus on the need for military intervention in Mali, although some differences persist over the nature and scope of that intervention. Sanogo himself has little interest in seeing other West African powers jockeying for influence in Bamako, which could threaten his thus far unchallenged rule. Moreover, it is unclear how affective military force can be, as the territorial fragmentation, many militant groupings and political discord throughout the country are almost impossible to navigate.
The stability of West Africa is surely at stake. The chances of a political solution are all but completely dissipated. The growing chaos will likely benefit interventionist states - France and the US in particular. A long-drawn new “war on terror,” will justify further intervention in West Africa and more meddling in the affairs of ECOWAS countries.
A few years ago, a new “scramble for Africa” was unleashed due to China’s growing influence in the continent. It was heightened by a more recent North African turmoil caused by the so-called Arab Spring. Opportunities are now abound for those ready to stake more claims over a long exploited region.
Literacy : a human right
By Nuria Barbosa León
By Nuria Barbosa León
THE Cuban literacy program Yo sí Puedo,
(Yes, I can) has, in just over a decade, helped some 6.5 million individuals
learn to read and write and is currently being used in 30 countries, with the
participation of more than 100 million people in all aspects of its
implementation.
The program's roots date back to
1961, when Cuba became a territory free of illiteracy. Some 269,723 teachers
and instructors taught 60% of the population, 707,212 people, to read in just
one year.
The literacy campaign in Cuba
allowed both teachers and students to develop their potential, doing something
extraordinary, and the effort became a social event of great importance in the
country's revolutionary history.
The Yo sí Puedo program was
conceived to support literacy instruction for all regardless of disability,
race, national origin, language, religion or political affiliation.
The pedagogical approach is based on
a short term process, involving the association of letters with numbers, and
requires limited human and material resources for its implementation, making it
appropriate for remote areas, with local volunteers trained as 'facilitators'
leading classes.
Dr. Zoila Benítez de Mendoza, a
literacy instructor in the 1961 campaign, went on to become a teacher and
served as an advisor to government efforts in 2000, in Michoacán, México, where
3,184 residents were taught to read and write, reducing illiteracy to
3.8%, from an initial level of 17%.
She reports that high school and
university students were mobilized as instructors and that, during the
teaching/learning process, an important cultural exchange between different
ethnicities, population sectors and communities took place.
Dr. José Ricardo del Real, head of
the Adult Education department of the Latin American and Caribbean Pedagogical
Institute in Havana, commented that Cuba's literacy instruction approach is
based on an educational process meant to change lives, both for students, but
also for facilitators who become educational advocates in their communities.
He adds that the Yo sí puedo seguir
program, designed as a follow-up to initial instruction, is being implemented
in Venezuela, Bolivia, Nicaragua and Colombia, thus assuring the advancement of
students to higher levels of education, while providing more practice to
consolidate literacy skills. "Today more than a million people, who were
illiterate just a few years ago, have reached the sixth grade level," Del
Real reported.
Cuba's solidarity and collaboration
in promoting literacy, to broaden participation in society, has represented a
revolutionary step forward for many peoples, banishing ignorance and
sensitizing both those who teach and those who learn.
ANATOMY OF GHANA’S 2012 ELECTIONS
By Daniel A. Allan
BSc Civil Eng (Water, Environment, Road & Highway, Transportation), KNUST
MTech Water Resources Development (Hydropower, etc)
Contents
The need for Electoral Reforms
INTRODUCTION
 |
| Ghanaian Voters |
Since 1992, Ghana’s elections have run so
parallel to that of the United States’ that it is uncanny. However unlike US
politicians, most in Ghana are irresponsibly not prepared to abide by
principles and laws they expect citizenry to live by nor allow due process to
work. Frequently they use supporters to force state institutions to accede to
their demands in ways they will not allow criminals to do. They openly express
lack of trust in state institutions when things do not go their way in
opposition but work with these institutions when in power. The institutions are
only bad when politicians are in opposition. If citizenry including miscreants
(armed robbers et al) follow the example of our politicians we will cry foul.
Politicians incite followers forgetting that if both sides believing they are
right, do not use proper channels but resort to force we end up looking like
the jungle that Africa is often portrayed to be. The state needs to make an
example of politicians whose irresponsibility creates problems. After all in
Obama’s last visit to Ghana, he urged the building of credible institutions
rather than individuals. Funnily enough, late President Mills was seen as weak
rather because he chose not to be overbearing but allow institutions to
function. We are all equal under the law and must allow the law to work. Many
of us are becoming fed up with our politicians. They stand the chance of
becoming irrelevant. If they do not weed out the bad nuts within their parties,
they all stand the danger of losing out when the whole pack crushes down. The
shenanigans and gerrymandering of many of them seem to be more out of interest
for their livelihood than our welfare. Election loss sends many into
joblessness until their parties return to power. Politicians are therefore
perpetually in campaign to get power. All the calls for peace in Ghana will not
work, until we deal with our winner takes all politics. The state also needs to
find better ways of funding political parties and electoral campaigns because I
do not see how we expect politicians to use their own funds to campaign to
serve us and yet expect them not to deep their hands in state coffers to recoup
the investments. Worse, how do they get their money back after electoral
defeat. Also, why do we give more advantage to the two big parties to the
detriment of others? Why does civil society appear to be biased towards certain
parties? Why do we not learn e.g., from the Indian example on these?
The just ended elections and the run up to it
threw out issues that if analysed can get us out of the quagmire that we are
sinking into and point us to the future. We must all contribute to getting a
country to be proud of. I do not want to live in an impotent state. The 2012
election needs to lead to soul searching for many in our country. It was a
turning point and portends serious omens for some. It also offers serious
lessons for the EC, the NPP, Mrs Rawlings, the smaller parties, Rev. Dr Otabil
and indeed all of us.
My Interest and my right to Freedom of Speech
I
must declare my interest and offer disclaimers. I am an independent voter with
allegiances only to Ghana. I hate the term ‘floating voter’ because it is
insulting and suggests ignorant people who are easily swayed. Independent
minded or discerning voter will be more appropriate. I am very politically
conscious but owe allegiance only to myself and God and country. In the 2000
elections, I took a strong stance against the NDC and publicly campaigned
against it. I even travelled to Kumasi to vote to boot them out.
Though
I have not always voted for the winning party, I have since 1992 being able to
tell which party was going to win the election by gauging public sentiments.
The winner of the 2012 election had been obvious to me all along. I promised
many friends before the elections that after the election, I would write a
paper for publication; the party headed for a loss was making too many
avoidable mistakes.
I
have family ties on both sides of the political divide, more so on the NPP side
than the NDC side. Some of my family ties are with CK Tedam, Anthony Kabo, Sam
Okudjeto, Samuel Okudjeto Ablakwa and indeed even Nana Akuffo Addo himself
through our common links to JB Danquah. Indeed the great Danquah resided in my
grandfather’s house at the Kwame Nkrumah Circle for many years. But I do not
care about political parties. I see them as my employees. I cherish my freedom
to make independent assessments without being trapped by allegiance to parties.
I am further able to read between the lines and thus see what happens behind
the scenes before they come out. For example most things in Arthur Kennedy’s
book, ‘Chasing the Elephant into the Bush’ were apparent to me long before they
came out. Significantly I realise that Ghanaians do not read between the lines
thus things are hidden right before our eyes.
Finally
even though in military regimes people were persecuted for speaking their minds,
the democratic era is worse. Political parties and their supporters attack
people for expressing divergent opinions. Many good minds thus stay mute and
watch Ghana descend into an abyss. Dr. Otabil recently noted that it is
dangerous to express an opinion without being attacked or labelled NDC or NPP.
I have thought long and hard about my piece and the dangers it poses to me. However
I have no choice: I must do this for posterity. I declare that my piece is
being done in my personal capacity as a concerned Ghanaian and has nothing to
do with where I work and what my political or religious believes are. I wish no
party any harm but wish them all to improve. I am writing with an open mind and
urge you to read with an open mind so that we can all help develop our country.
I urge you to take from this what lessons it gives you without attacking my
person.
Our Collective Irresponsibility
Generally
we have all been irresponsible: citizenry, leadership, the media and the
clergy. It has resulted in damning statistics and rather than take steps to
forestall them, we try to tease, sing, dance and pray our problems away whilst
accusing each other but soon forget and wait for the next tragedy. We are the
only country in the world where it is normal for Presidents, Vice Presidents
and parliamentarians to have road accidents as a matter of course, where market
fires are the norm rather than the exception and where the collapse of a Five
Storey Shopping Mall is soon forgotten though the factors that caused it were
apparent to all and where those factors are still available in so many places
around us. Politics in Ghana is taken as a game with wins being seen as a
source of bragging rights instead of it being seen as serious business.
Why
do Ghanaians think that it is normal to pay people to thank them for doing
their jobs and even fight you for refusing tips.
Parallels to the US
In
fact since 1992 US elections have proved to be a bellweather for Ghana’s. It may be coincidental or geopolitical but it
is striking. Ironically the conservative parties in both countries use the
elephant as their symbols and the fortunes of the elephants in US appear to be
similar to that in Ghana. In both countries the electorate is split down the
middle between the elephants and the ‘liberals’. The electoral map in both
countries indicates a support for the elephants in the middle belt whiles the
border regions and coastal areas either go for the liberals or are independent.
It appears the liberals in both countries are more in tune with what happens in
the outside world than the elephants are. After all opinion polls showed that
democrats are more popular outside the US than within. Factually too the NDC is
more popular in our bordering countries and in Nigeria especially because of
Rawlings.
Strangely
enough, in both countries the seating president and presumed election winner
had to suspend his campaign to deal with serious disasters that befell their
nations in the heat of the campaign; Hurricane Sandy in the US and the Melcom
building collapse in Ghana. They also won despite the odds being stack against
them which had made the elephants overconfident. Similarly while in the US the
republicans were accused of having presented a very polarising and divisive
candidate, in Ghana many felt the NPP candidate was polarising.
Additionally
in this year’s election in both countries politicians were caught on tape
saying rather embarrassing things and it had an effect on the outcome of the
elections.
After
the win of the liberals in both countries, the elephants were heard making
statements to the effect that those who voted for the presumed winner did not
vote based on issues but were compelled to do so either on tribal or racial
basis or handouts from the government. In the US, the republicans are being
urged to go into soul searching and realise that the world has changed and
therefore their old way of capturing votes may need to be reformed if they are to survive. In my
opinion this message holds true for the NPP as well and I will state why
elsewhere in this piece.
Both
elephants appear to have taken the loss badly. An American woman ran her
husband over with a car for not voting for Romney and many Republican
supporters are petitioning to cede from the US. In Ghana, rampage by supporters
and a suicide by one showed a bad reaction to the loss.
Strikingly
the elephants in both countries energised their base by focusing more on
rhetoric for and from their core supporters in the hinterland and thereby lost
the independents. The losing presidential candidates were also undermined by
their own words sometimes recorded in secret. Both parties must avoid the tendency
to be so angry with their opponents that they throw away prudence and rather
choose polarising figures as candidates.
However
between the two countries, there are differences in how institutions of state
are allowed to work and how the issue of political party funding is taken. When
Hilary Clinton’s campaign was in a tight corner, for example, she actually had
to go into her account to lend money to her campaign.
Also,
in the US, civil society fact checks for things said during campaigns to expose
dishonest politicians.
Maturity of the Ghanaian Voter and lessons for the future.
 |
| Biometric Verification |
The
Ghanaian electorate is not immature. Their maturity could be seen in their
patience despite the problems with biometric machines and their conscious
detachment of interest from parties and candidates. This reflects why skirt and
blouse voting was high and why John Mahama appeared to be more popular than the
parliamentary candidates presented by the NDC in many situations. In Dome for
example, my semi literate cousin said he voted for Mahama but voted for Adjoa
Safo because she showed more competence than the NDC candidate.
Some
biometric verification machines had problems and though the one in my polling
station worked well, clearly there were problems that need to be looked at. If
as high profile a person as Mohammed Mumuni, the foreign Minister, could be
told not to be who he is known to be then we have a problem. However it is
remarkable that the EC officials refused to allow him to vote without
verification despite knowing who he was. It is a plus that the big man syndrome
did not work in this election.
I
must however condemn President Mahama’s plea during voting when people were
finding it difficult or impossible to cast their votes for voters ID to be used
when the verification machine failed despite the agreed laid down principle.
His concerns may have been genuine but as the president his voice carries
weight and it can influence decisions. The problem we are faced with as a
country has been because we sometimes want to avoid due process when things get
tough.
The Need for Electoral Reforms
Ghana
needs to learn from countries like India on electoral issues. India has a
threshold in campaign spending that no party is allowed to exceed. Violators
are sanctioned. Also, the Indian Electoral Commission has powers of a court and
can ban parties for violating regulation. India has made the issue of a level
playing paramount. For example ruling parties are not allowed to launch new
schemes too close to an election to give unfair advantage to the ruling party
relative to its opponents.
Furthermore,
given the problems encountered, the way we vote should be reviewed. In India
for example voting is done over a number of days so that machines can be used
repeatedly. This year, owing to problems encountered here in Ghana, voting
lasted two days. Hence for example, Ashanti, Volta, Eastern and the Northern
Regions could vote on the first day whilst the other regions vote on the second
day. This would allow resources to be adequately used. Alternatively we could
provide two biometric machines at each polling station for back up.
As
usual, there were a rather high percentage of spoilt ballots. It may probably
emanate from the dipping of hands in the indelible ink, before the ballot paper
is handed out. The probability of soiling the paper is therefore high. It may
be prudent to deep the hands after voting.
This
election appeared to have gone well because it was held on a holiday preceding
a weekend. The security services could therefore concentrate on the election.
Turnout was high because people could vote without pressure of work.
Additionally, the Electricity companies also had reserve power. We should
consider reforming our law to make the elections fall on Fridays and make it a
holiday. Remarkably the US uses days and not dates to hold elections because of
some of these strategic reasons.
We
must also consider having our elections in November instead of December as
happened here in 1992 and as has happens in the United States. This will allow
enough time for challenges and for even third rounds as envisaged by the
constitution.
The
number of constituencies we have should be fixed. There is no sense in
expanding constituencies ad infinitum. For a country with the kind of resources
we have increasing from 200 seats to 275 (37.5%) in the space of 12 years is shocking.
Both parties have tried to prevent the electoral Commission from increasing
constituencies while in opposition. We must allow the EC abide by the law. We
must change the law to reflect reality instead of asking the EC to go against
it when it is not in our interest. It was
disappointing to hear President Kuffuor using words like sitting on a
time bomb to stop the EC.
Before
the elections, there were reports that minors had registered. How do we know
that the so called minors were not an ‘Aki or a Porpor’? How come we are not
strengthening our Registry of Birth and Death by ensuring that newer voters
present their birth certificates to be registered? In many countries failing to
register your child is a crime. What is the yardstick for determining who a
foreigner is?
We
must also consider giving a common campaign platform to all our parties to
explain their policy. Politicians must be confined together like beauty
pageants. Those who insult must be booted out or severely sanctioned.
Most
importantly, our electoral laws must reflect reality. Normally the laws are so
convoluted that by the time electoral disputes are settled, the electoral cycle
has ended. It happened in 1996 between Rebecca Adotey and Isaac Amoo in Ayawaso
West Wuogon. It also happened in 2012 with Adamu Daramani Sekande of Bawku. How
come when these people are found guilty they do not refund the moneys they
illegally earned? The electoral laws are also such that one can hardly start a
case before parliament starts.
Politicians whose rhetoric did more harm than good to their parties
Many
politicians in all parties did more harm than good to their parties; I quickly
tuned off when I heard them talking. This included Sammy Awuku, Anthony Karbo,
Nana Akuffo Addo, Ursula Owusu, Sir John, Maxwell Kofi Juma and Kennedy
Agyapong from the NPP and Teye Nyaunu, David Annan, Twum Boafo, Kobby
Acheampong and Yamoah Ponkor of the NDC.
 |
| Anthony Karbo |
Unfortunately
for a party which had been voted out of power and which was trying to come back
in, the damage to the NPP’s fortunes was worse than it was for the NDC. The
stance of many of the politicians mentioned above resulted in many people
making up their minds long before campaign begun in full. Between the two
parties, the NPP came across as more cocky and arrogant. For a party seeking to
be returned to power this was a dangerous path to take.
Furthermore.
the altercation between some in the NDC including Tony Aidoo and Rev. Otabil as
well as the Presbyterian Church PR was very unnecessary.
Why I think the NPP lost
The
NPP needs to look for the reasons for its loss from within and not without.
Both parties made fundamental mistakes in their campaigns. Their posture and
rhetoric were not targeted at independent voters. The maxim that you do not
preach to the converted, was not followed in campaign strategy. The NPP especially huffed and puffed to the
satisfaction of its party faithful but pushed independent voters away.
Furthermore,
the NPP appeared not to have learnt lessons from NDC’s 2000 loss. The
Africawatch Magazine reported that NPP Chairman Obetsebi Lamptey and Nana’s
campaign manager Agyarko were not on talking terms. If that were true then I do
not see how a limping leopard can catch a deer in the chase for the hunt; in
2000 bad blood between Obed Asamoah and key party figures sent NDC parking.
Also,
the NDC suffered massively in 2000 from rhetoric from people like Spio Garbrah
and Tony Aidoo. The party kept such people on the back burner and rather placed
the likes of John Mahama, Hannah Tetteh and Samuel Ofosu Ampofo as the face of
the campaign. Any wonder they did better?
Significantly
many who voted against Nana Akuffo Addo and who I have talked to said they did
so because they were scared of him. This speaks volumes. Unfortunately for the
NPP, though its rhetoric energised its core supporters who cannot win the
election for them, it also scared independents away and ensured that the NDC
faithful consolidated their positions.
Many
friends in the NPP noted that they were shocked by the support the NDC got in
its last election rally and by the number of NDC supporters who showed their
face on Facebook after the win and not before. The NPP has itself to blame. The
way its members descend hard on people expressing divergent views makes a lot
recoil. The Ghanaian electorate is full many silent ones who do less talking
and more thumbing. Many NPP supporters were on Facebook for example insulting
eminent octogenarian KB Asante for being ‘unwise’ enough to support Mahama in a
TV advert.
For
instance though Anthony Karbo is very popular in the NPP and is a grandson of
the great Lawra Naa Chief Karbo who was an NPP great, why did he think he lost
in Lawra?
NPP
young firebrands like Karbo and Sammy Awuku need to take a cue from the story
of Julius Malema of South Africa. Malema was so popular and stung anything in
sight. He was once heard on a political party platform saying he will kill for
Zuma. He then incited whites by singing a song called ‘Shoot the Boer’ or kill
the white man. Yet look at his spectacular fall. I heard Sammy Awuku for
example on radio saying what got him to go into politics was that in JSS, he
used to buy the Chronicle and sit chewing groundnut while imbibing everything
the paper was saying. Does this not reflect how he thinks of nothing except
himself and his party?
Also,
in the heat of results counting in the 2012 election, Sammy Awuku could be
heard on radio seriously arguing with Ex President Obasanjo of Nigeria and the
African Union observer mission when Awuku lead of NPP men to attack a private
installation based on a rumour. This altercation with Obasanjo did not reflect
well on the young man. He needs to be more moderate and open minded if he is to
be successful with his political future.
Unfortunately
it appeared the NPP had pushed its moderates who would have appealed to
independent voters away. Likable people like Dan Botchway, Kwabena Agyapong,
Osafo Marfo, Allan Kyeremanteng and Addo Kuffuor were nowhere to be found. In
fact, Arthur Kennedy had to operate from the outside looking in. Apart from
pushing them away the NPP appeared to have been scare mongering. Their
situation was like that of the wife beater who upon going out and realising
that his wife had locked him out started shouting for her to open the door else
she will be beaten. Which woman will open such doors?
To
make matters worse, some of those on the platform were hopeless. Sir John, the
General Secretary, was so inarticulate and incoherent that it is surprising to
hear he is a graduate and much more a lawyer.
Indeed
though there were 8 presidential candidates in the election it appeared there
were 9 including Nana Akuffo Addo’s alter ego. No one did more damage to him
than this alter ego.
For
example some subtleties may have pushed women voters away: in trying to show
that the NPP was courageous he noted that God gave each of us two testicles,
and no one was more courageous than another. Equating manhood with courage is
sacrilegious especially if it was said on a public platform and not among men
over a bottle of beer. Nana also made comments about a woman’s behind when he
was asked to eulogise Theresa Tagoe at her funeral. An incident was also played
about his encounter with a GTV makeup artist. It appeared Nana could not
differentiate between his private persona with that of someone trying to win an
election.
 |
| PNC Prez Candidate Hassan Ayariga |
Rather
than march on towards victory, the party always had to backtrack to do damage
control caused by comments made by some of these people.
The
NPP was also haunted by the ghost of 2008: what business did Obetsebi Lamptey
have to still be in court justifying his right to acquire a government property
when his party was fighting for re-election? He may have a legal right but to
many the looting of our collective property by caretakers was bad and we voted
against them in 2008. It appeared the NPP had still not learnt lessons. It
still held on to its property owning democracy position. We could still not
trust them despite the NDCs inadequacies. The NPP appeared to have a mindset
that said it had a right to rule and we made a mistake to vote it out. It is a
privilege to rule with our mandate and thus parties must accede to our demands.
When we voted against the NDC, they had to undergo a lot of reforms and come
forward with a better face. With the NPP the only reform it has done is to
expand its delegate base and limit the number of its flag bearer aspirants. It
still has a lot to do.
The
campaign style also failed the NPP. It appeared the party was not focused with
its messages: one moment it was attacking the President on Cote d’Ivoire, the
next day it let go and chose to attack his brother and link his activity to the
President. One moment it was stating that the economy had collapsed, the next
it was claiming credit for the strong economy. This mode of campaigning brought
criticism from even within including from Nyaho Tamakloe.
The
Woyome issue, which should have been an asset to the NPP’s campaign, became a
liability to both parties. The NPPs handling of the issue made people feel it
was being done more for politics than genuine. Especially since the issue was
brought into public domain by an NPP politician instead of being introduced
into the public through a media house. Then the party made the mistake of not
first disclosing its own relationship with Woyome but allowed the NDC to do so.
The NPP clutched at the issue too hard and made the mistake of singing and
demonstrating with it. To make matters worse, President, Mills, appeared to
show integrity and set up an investigation that resulted in Woyome, who had
been noted to be his friend and party financier being arrested. This was
unusual in Ghana. The issue was then lost in overall judgement debts issues,
some of which appeared to take the NPP down in collateral damage. The
electorate thus became confused and felt this was more for political expediency
than the truth. I still do not know the truth about the Woyome issue. It is in
the courts and I hope the courts can decide.
The
free education clarion call of the NPP late in the campaign came too little too
late. It scared the NDC out of their pants. However it was a little comical
that, NPP, a centre right party was jumping over itself to shout free education
louder than socialists. It made people feel that it too was just for political
expediency. For many the party might have as well called itself socialist. The
Free SHS is a good idea but knowing what occurred when the education reforms were
rushed through by the PNDC/NDC, people were not ready for another gamble. They
wanted caution. Indeed the NDC was cautioned against the speed of the reforms
but did not listen and many people suffered from the lack of teachers, etc and
we saw the fiasco. People had looked on helplessly. Unfortunately for the NPP,
an election was close by and the people saw a way to stop another group of
politicians who were not prepared to listen.
The
adverts on free SHS also raised more questions. There was one about a boy who
wanted to go to university but dropped out of school because his father died.
He banked his hopes on the free SHS. Many watchers wondered if free SHS alone
could turn someone into an engineer which required excellence in school and
ability to pay University fees. The advert too raised more questions.
The
free SHS situation threw out another situation that people in community
development know well: that you do not go to the poor thinking you know more
what they need than they do themselves. This was a case of the rich who will
most definitely not send their children to public schools rushing to force free
quickly rushed public schools on the poor. I do not know how much sociological
research was done on how the poor will take the free SHS call before the NPP
brought it out.
The
NPP campaign appeared to be a shambolic as well; their TV adverts were less
catchy and more often appeared to follow a copy of what the NDC had come out
with.
The
NPP’s campaign method showed that it appeared not to have a strategist in the
shadows who was not involved in the campaign proper. The NDC appeared to have
Tony Aidoo and largely kept him out of the media to avoid him becoming a
liability. The NPP unfortunately went into attack mode with an exposed rear.
They were less effective than in President Kuffuor’s 2000 campaign. I can’t say
much about 2004 because I was not in Ghana.
This
election was also the NPP’s first without its favourite punch bag: JJ Rawlings.
It appeared the NDC was more prepared for an election without Rawlings than the
NPP was.
The
NPP needs to rebrand itself as a less militant and pugnacious party. In times that Nkrumah is acclaimed worldwide as Africa’s most
visionary leader and when even the US congress is recognising him and younger
Ghanaians are told of the many developments today that had been planned by
Nkrumah, it is senseless to be seen kicking against a stone. Justifying his
overthrow with the PDA etc quickly brings in reminders of bomb throwing before
PDA, the ‘mati mihu’, ‘ga she fi mor kpee’ and others which tends to put the
NPP in bad light. The NPP should put its anti Nkrumahist past behind it and
move on.
There
is another worry that the NPP should have: research has shown that ethnicity
works against the party: the winning margins in Kwame Nkrumah’s elections, Limann’s
and Rawlings had been the same. Mills’ also showed that pattern. Ghanaians were
voting according to a pattern that has not changed since 1951 (61 years) and
despite a long period of military rule. This factor can either be linked to
tribal affiliation or an aversion to a tribe. Busia won when the CPP had been
banned. The party should have therefore avoided playing the tribal card. For a
party that has done so much to put behind it the assertion that it is an Akan
party, it is significant to note that, Kennedy Agyapong, an Assin, in his
infamous diatribe called on Ashantis to take certain positions against Gas and
Ewes. Nana Akuffo Addo too for some reason identified the party as an Akan
party and mentioned that they Akans loved themselves. It was interesting
because he was addressing a national political party and not an Akan congress.
Ironically his then opponent was an Akan, a fanti.
For
its next election, the NPP should consider using a moderate, preferably a
non-Akan. It could consider Ayikoi Otoo or Mahamudu Bawumia. If it wanted to
consider an Akan, it could consider Joe Ghartey, Frempong Boateng or Allan
Kyeremanteng.
The
NPP lost this election, but it does not mean all is lost for them. They should
go and look at all their missteps and come back. Ghana needs a credible
alternative. Ghanaians are expecting the NPP to make genuine reforms and come
back a better party. If it does not I fear for them.
Should
the NPP choose Akuffo Addo again? I do not know but if the same Akuffo Addo who
showed up in 2008 and 2012 shows up in 2016 he will lose. If the NPP is to
bring Akuffo Addo again it must give him an image makeover. He must watch his
rhetoric and take measures that will make him appeal to independents. He needs
to be less polarising and more accommodating. He needs also to engage more with
his political opponents.
Was
Nana’s choice of Bawumia okay? I am not too sure but given that he chose
Bawumia four years ago and lost and given that people in the NPP advised him
and he did they may think Bawumia was not up to it. However the choice of
Bawumia showed a character of Akuffo Addo that needs to be commended. Nana had
always said he chose Bawumia since he will be good for him on the economy and
not that he is popular.
NPP
should be worried because of the following
- The likelihood that an incumbent will win 2016 is high.
- A new electoral commissioner is going to be chosen by Mahama
- The NDC would have solved the power problem it was faced it by 2016
- The Accra water problem is on the verge of being solved.
- Massive road projects had will be completed after the election.
- By 2016 NDC would have put the single spine salary structure behind it
- Its handling of the current post election loss will come into play in 2016
Challenges of the NDC
 |
| NDC General Secretary Asiedu Nketsia |
No
honest person can say that the NDC did nothing. It worked hard and had a lot to
show for it. However working hard does not win elections. For example, even
though the government had reduced inflation to single digit, low inflation does
not fill an empty stomach. Going into the elections, the NDC just like the
Democrats in the US had formidable challenges which can send public frustration
against you; frequent power outages caused by the pirate sabotage of the West
African gas pipeline in Togo, gas shortage all over, fall of the cedi,
judgement debts, a bad split in the party caused by the founder’s wife and
former vice party chairman, serious lambasting from the founder and many
uncompleted projects. It also had serious problems with key religious entities;
the Presbyterian Church and Rev Otabil. Unfortunately it had Martin Amidu, its
former Attorney General turned Citizen Vigilante, to deal with. To make matters
worse for the NDC, the NPP had more favourable media coverage especially among
the local languages and had campaigned for three years against the NDC’s three
months. With all these problems it should have been easy for the NPP to have
won the elections.
The
NPP should ask itself how it could have lost such an election and so decisively
at that. It should make the party worried
about 2016. As said earlier both the NPP and the US Republican party saw the
liabilities of the sitting president. They appeared to have assumed that the
President’s problems meant an automatic win for them. Unfortunately, it allowed
them to be over confident.
Rawlings, Konadu and the NDC
Rawlings
knows he is still very popular in the NDC despite the choice for Mills and
Mahama. People are able to differentiate their love for him from their
allegiance to his party and legacy. It is the same reason for which the support
and admiration for Nkrumah is not translated into support for the CPP.
The
2012 elections was however not only a fight between the NDC and NPP, it was
also one between the legacies of JJ and his wife. Konadu is better educated
than JJ and is a hard worker. She has contributed to women’s welfare in Ghana.
Indeed if JJ could have been president, then she who knows his inadequacies
better than most may feel she could do better. She may have been right but she
made serious mistakes, underestimated the electorate, followed bad advice and
pitched too early.
Rawlings
was torn between his love for his wife and perpetuating his legacy. It was
Rawlings who searched hard and finally found and brought Mills to Ghanaians. He
knew Mills’ competence. Most were thus too emotional about Rawlings rhetoric
without reading between the lines. I am sure that Mills being the reflective
person he was understood Rawlings. In taking the stand she did against the NDC,
Konadu was in effect trying to destroy her husband’s legacy to build her own.
Rawlings like many could see the obvious; the NDC was going to win. He could
kill two birds with one stone: save his marriage and keep the NDC. Going into
the election, he appeared to have endorsed Mahama, Konadu and even Akuffo Addo.
Rawlings will be most satisfied with the NDC win. He now knows that without him
the NDC can carry on on its own. He will not be around forever to try to micro
manage the party. If even he could not destroy the NDC, then no one can. He can
fold his hands and know that his name in Ghana politics will not die when he is
gone. Indeed the NDC had been taken through the worse stress test you could
think of.
Rawlings
also did something significant to enhance his image. The position he had
appeared to take solved his biggest problem. The NPP and its base had been his
biggest bane since he arrived on the Ghanaian political scene. In getting the
cream of the NPP to troupe to him and heap praises on him he found a way to
close that chapter. Rawlings must be a great chess player.
Unfortunately
for Konadu, almost through her husband’s tenure, public perception had been
against her. It was felt that she was the face behind bad things that happened.
Yet many who knew her, knew she was a hard worker and could have been a great
choice for the NDC probably after Mills. Instead of taking a wise stand like
that taken by US counterpart Hilary Clinton to enhance her image for a future
shot at the Whitehouse, she rather chose to go for Mills and Mahama’s throat.
Her stance appeared to confirm the public perception that she was vicious and
mean. She also appeared to have taken bad advice and turned out badly. She
should have noticed that she was on the wrong path when most confidants left
her alone in this endeavour. Indeed her support included people like Teye
Nyaunu who had his own bones to pick with Atta Mills because long before Atta
Mills was elected President, he was calling for another NDC congress to change
him since he was too sick.
Some
of the rhetoric Konadu used included the fact that the CPP wanted to take over
the party. It is rather the NDC that has taken over the CPP and should the NDC
break up, the CPP would have tried to regeminate from its ashes
Proff Mills
Professor
Mills has been our most misread and underestimated leader. Many including some
in his party felt he was weak. However, having studied leadership for some
time, I beg to differ. Those who think so have not really analysed the
situation. In my opinion, he was a strong leader. Yes he was quiet. Yes he did
not take immediate actions. He was rather deliberate. People mistook that calm
demeanour and tendency to think things through before taking action for
weakness. Indeed hardly did we see him rushing. And because of his methods, he
appeared to meet his deadlines. This is not the mark of a slow person.
For
an African leader, is it not remarkable that even his political opponents
acknowledge that he was incorruptible?
Many
forgot that after he was elected President he jumped to work immediately.
Though the election had been gruelling, he did not take a rest. Apparently he
was then battling ill health. We forget that even President Kuffuor took a
leave immediately after his first win citing exhaustion. We forget too that by
May 9th 2001, Kuffuor had not finished appointing his cabinet.
Mills’ was done by April.
The
assertion that Mills was slow was started by Rawlings. He kept saying Mills was
slow because to him Mills was not prosecuting NPP people. Mills stood his
ground. It appeared he did not have time to continue the acrimonious way newer
governments deal with the old. He appeared to want to keep his eye on the goal
instead of being swayed.
Indeed
Mills lost many cases in court. But that appeared to be more because he left
the courts to run without interference. It was apparent that if the courts are
left alone, they will find their feet.
There
were other incidents reported after his death that confirmed his leadership
skills. One was narrated by Smith Graham of the Fair Wages Commission who
stated that when he was under so much pressure to accede to demands of workers
for political expediency, he was invited by Mills and encouraged to go on with
his job since he was doing a good job.
Oko
Vanderpuye of the AMA was also encouraged to go on with the clearance of street
hawkers, despite the hawkers saying they will vote against the party and NDC
members were accusing Oko of causing disaffection for the party.
 |
| Late President John Evans Atta Mill |
Before
his election it was alleged that Mills will be controlled by Rawlings. Yet
during his Presidency he was rather accused of pushing Rawlings aside.
The
man was accused of working too hard even though he was sick and thereby working
himself to death. Yet at the same time he was said to be too slow.
Those
who know Mills mention that he was strong headed, stubborn and resolute with
his decisions. He did not take decisions and retract them because he thought
deeply about it before taking action.
Mills
definitely had his faults. For example after his death it was reported by Dele
Momodu of Nigeria that Mills sort for funds from him for the 2008 election.
This is against our laws.
Mills
decision making process appeared to be more of a cat’s than a dog’s. Those who
have observed cats know that when a cat sees a mouse, it observes it without
moving. Though you may think the cat is wasting time, it suddenly moves with
lightning speed at the right time and catches the prey. Dogs are normally
impatient and thus have a less success rate.
Mills
was unfairly treated. All my suspicions were confirmed by the narrations of his
personality during his funeral by people who knew him.
Despite
the vilification he got, my suspicions have been confirmed by posthumous
leadership awards he is now receiving from all over the world including the Mo
Ibrahim Foundation and from two others.
People
who have a calm demeanour are not necessarily weak. It showed in the eulation
that the likes of Baah Wiredu, Mills and Aliu Mahama were given on their
demise. Others had nothing close to that.
Otabil and the Clergy
Unfortunately
Otabil’s stature as a man of God suffered serious damage during the election
unfortunately more for his own commissions and omissions than for what anyone
else did.
One
of his previous sermons showing his position on free education was played. For
a long time he did not respond. Another tape was then played where his words on
irresponsible behaviour was played. For this particular tape it appears one or
two tapes from different sermons were played as if they were one.
Otabil
responded and rightly so. However his statement would have been condemned if it
had come from a politician much less a reverend. References like criminal, and
evil were avoidable. By his response Otabil placed himself right in the middle
of the political game. I wondered how come, he a motivational speaker did not
know that sometimes holding your peace says more words for you than opening
your mouth. Even if he had to speak, a simple statement like the one below
would have sufficed: ‘Ladies and Gentlemen
of the media, over the past few weeks my voice could be heard on tape
condemning free SHS and others. These voices are from sermons many years ago
that have nothing to do with the current political situation in Ghana. Some
other voices are from tapes from different sermons put together and which do
not reflect my true intentions. I remain a pastor and do not wish to be drawn
into the nitty gritties of political campaign so that I can maintain my
credibility and neutrality in order to be able to serve as a neutral arbiter to
all side since I consider them as my flock. I wish to advice all sides to be
circumspect and all voters to be discerning. I wish both sides good luck and
may the better side win.’ Rather the
statement he gave sent a lot of people wondering, because that did not sound
like him. The Africa Watch of November 2012 reported that he was compelled
because the NPP was furious since Otabil was known NPP sympathiser. I do not
know the veracity or otherwise of the Magazine’s assertions but since it has
not been denied, it fuels the rumour.
Unfortunately
the elections was characterised by many clergy who exposed their inclination. I
am one of those who feel that the clergy like the judiciary and chiefs need to
be above politics because of the role they play in society. Indeed as the adage
goes, “the adult who gets himself involved with children’s fight, loses the
credibility to help solve quarrels among children”.
The aftermath the elections and the Security Services
NPP’s
handling of the aftermath of its defeat is reflecting badly on its image. It is
also creating enemies in the media and among the public. Jake and Sir John made
grave mistakes by reporting grievances to the media rather than the right
quarters and by assuring the foot soldiers of a win. The foot soldiers have
taken things over and it appears the party is not in control. Public opinion is
that the party hierarchy have failed and are trying to save face. The aftermath
of the elections and sight of people stabbing others, beating the media and
destroying cars with chants of “all die be die” should tell us why Nana Akuffo
Addo’s ‘all die be die’ clarion call was ill conceived. No politician should
ever be allowed to do that again because in chaos people just act on what they
heard and not what the intensions of the speaker had been.
What
is strange is the supporters calling their occupation of the Obra spot, Ghana’s
Tahir Square occupation. Their undertaking to sit there till Akuffo Addo is
declared president significantly underscores their unwillingness for a Supreme
Court decision. This stance of the supporters seems to be in confirmation of
Karbo’s claim years ago that if the NPP is not declared winners of the election
in 2012, Afghanistan will happen in Ghana. We must nib such comments in the bud
before they create problems for us. Unfortunately no civil society group
condemned that statement.
The
on-going violence put paid to the propagated assertion that one party is
violent and the other democracy inclined.
Many
have praised the security services for their professionalism in the
post-election debacle in the face of provocation. People wondered why they
looked on as people committed mayhem without arresting the NPP supporters
earlier. Frankly, with hindsight, they were avoiding a trap: previously when
they had arrested miscreants claiming political affiliation, politicians had
massed up against them, held press conferences and even boycotted parliament.
The politicians appear to encourage an impotent state by preventing the
security services from doing their job. The foot soldiers are empowered because
they know they will be supported. This should be a lesson for political parties
to allow due process to work. With the NPP having conceded to allow
recalcitrant supporters to be hemmed in, the police and civil society should
quickly act to prevent more attacks and more reprisals. Going forward, certain
places; police stations, security installations and courts must be made non
protesting locations. Violators must be sanctioned. Political parties must also
be surcharged for any mayhem caused by their supporters. Indeed, If in the
football world teams are fined for the actions of supporters why not in
national affairs.
We
must all wait for the NPP to go to court with evidence of cheating. Until they
do that, we must go with the evidence provided by the relevant state
institution and supported by CODEO and other observers and corroborated by
other political parties. All we know now are the allegations of rigging by the
NPP. Political entities from both sides have in the past sent the nation on a
wild goose chase for which in some countries, they would have been sanctioned.
That both sides have started the spin again is worrying. Why Sir John is
aggravating the attack on the media by still alleging that the media and the EC
stole 1 million votes from Nana Addo for Mahama without still having gone to
court to back the allegation beats imagination. It is stranger still to say
Multimedia, Peace FM and City FM all colluded with the EC. But both parties
should by now know that, spraying perfume into a stinking shoe does not deceive
the public these days. Both the NDC and the NPP are citing Nduom as saying the
election was rigged. The eminent gentleman did not say that. Both he and Nana
Konadu have complained about electoral processes that we all agree must change.
Characteristically Nduom did not say that the results as published by the EC
varied from what it had collated on its own. I therefore do not know why the
NDC is criticizing him and the NPP supporters are citing him to support their
claim. The NPP is still protesting, without putting their evidence in the
public opinion, the longer they delay in going to the court and protest, the
more they allow others to speculate on their true intentions.
However
rigging or allegations of rigging have become too symptomatic of African
elections in the same way that African nations always complain of bad
refereeing when they lose football matches. Similarly, more often than not,
when people die it is alleged someone killed him. Why should someone even
consider rigging. This is an indictment of us as a people.
For
me, however, the after election debacle is symptomatic of a much deeper problem
that we must as a nation deal with. The president should consider activities
that could pull us together as a people, for example national communal labour.
The Media
The
media has been good for the fourth republic. However it has also shown great
irresponsibility. It has allowed too many rumours to be stated as fact by
many. For example Oman FM reported live
that during Kennedy Agyapong’s arrest, the police run NPP supporters over with
an armoured vehicle killing two. It has been realised to be false. It was also
reported that Anita De Souza had killed two of NPP supporters with her car at
Akwatia. That was also realised to be false. Radio Gold reported that President
Kuffuor had sold Ghana’s gold reserves and we are still waiting for Victor
Smith’s evidence of Kuffuor's bank accounts, or Kweku Baako’s about Rawlings.
Daily Guide’s pieces about Rawlings issue at the Cook County Court never
materialised. When someone’s house burns, someone alleges he burnt it himself
and when someone loses valuable property some allege that he sold it himself.
The media is now full of papers which are just published to malign others. They
are not for full circulation. All you have to do is to get them to the News
Paper Review segments of radio stations.
Unfortunately,
the irresponsible monster the Media has created is haunting it. Media men are
being beaten by NPP supporters who believe that they won the election.
Unfortunately they are acting based on categorical statements by Obetsebi
Lamptey that a win was stolen from them. That allegation was carried on by the
media. I foresaw the mayhem when it was reported that foot soldiers massed up
at the Nana Addo’s house after the result announcements refused to listen to
even him when he asked them to go home. From my little knowledge in sociology,
the party hierarchy should be worried. The supporters may next turn on them.
We
must make laws against deceiving the public. I know that in some jurisdictions,
people are charged with the liabilities incurred when public deception occurs.
I also know that in many jurisdictions there are laws against deceiving a
public officer that is taken seriously.
Going
forward the media must not create any demigods be they politicians, senior journalists or the clergy. Some years
ago in Israel the National TV station immediately stopped broadcasting the
speech of Prime Minister Ariel Sharon when he started talking politics during a
speech on national issues.
The effect of the winner takes all policy
One
could see from one of Sammy Awuku’s diatribes on radio the harmful effects of
the winner-takes-all policy; he encouraged NPP foot soldiers to target which
ever national job they wished to get so that in the invent of an NPP win, they
would run to take position in that place of their choice. He assured them he
will be doing the same. Though people who talk like this have no place in
public discourse or public service, his sentiments show the harmful effect of
high unemployment among our youth and the effect of winner-takes-all. However
his remedy is a recipe for mayhem not only for those trying to scramble for
positions who may kill themselves in the melee, but it could cause post
elections conflicts. It however betrays the real motive behind many of our
politicians. Sammy even advised people to use fufu pounding wood (worma) to hit
their political opponents if they perceive them of trying to steal a ballot
box.
Civil Society
Civil
Society including Imani Ghana and the Ghana Bar Association are increasingly
being seen as biased. It may be because of that party’s antecedents. It may
also be because of the political affiliation of key members of those bodies.
For example in the aftermath of the elections when supporters of the NPP were
causing mayhem by killing, stabbing, beating and smashing cars, while beating
the media many callers to radio stations as well as facebookers wondered why
civil society was quiet. However, as soon as a group of NDC supporters launched
reprisal attacks, civil society voice was heard. Funnily enough their words
were couched to both parties to rein in their supporters who were disputing
over elections and beating journalists when in fact it was only one side that
had beaten journalists. My view is that to become a little balanced, civil
society should either avoid politicians in their organisations or ensure that
all shades of opinion are represented.
The small parties
The
small parties did not do well in this election but they need not be worried. My
biggest regret was that Samia Nkrumah did not win. I admire her courage and
forthrightness.
The
decisive one touch victory of the NDC was because most people were tired of
politics and wanted to avoid a second round so that they could celebrate their
Christmas. Memories of 2008 were still fresh. The small parties should not be
disturbed about their performance. However the results should let people like
Nduom and Konadu wake up to the reality that breakaway parties do not do well
in Ghana. What Ghanaians sometimes say to you is out of politeness and flattery
and is different from what they think. If Dr. Nduom wants to leave a legacy for
Ghana he is better off starting something that can be a legacy in his name.
Nana Konadu has created a niche for championing women’s causes. She should
remember that Mother Theresa and Florence Nightingale were never politicians
but are still regarded as some of the greatest women who ever lived. The best
way to serve your country is not necessarily to be a president.
Our Judiciary
Our
nation cannot progress without an effective judiciary. It is our last hope when
all else fails and must play its part to ensure that Ghana moves well. If
people lose trust in the judicial process then we are in trouble. The judiciary
must therefore be fair and objective. It is therefore important that the
Judiciary itself weeds out its bad nuts because the perception of corruption is
affecting us all. It will ensure that people will be less inclined to take the
law into their own hand.
Why the NDC should not take its win for granted
The
mandate given the NDC should frighten Mahama. Big confidence has been placed in
him hence should he fail, his fall will be bigger. The NDC should not take this
win as a mandate to throw caution out of the window. Indeed the bible says that
to he who much is given much is required. Mahama should therefore put his foot
down and deal decisively with any hint of corruption in his party. Analysing
the election results shows that he is more popular than his parliamentary
candidates. In many cases he did better than his parliamentary candidate. He
must forestall corruption by dealing heavily with culprits to set an example.
If he is to come down then it is they who will bring him down.
What Mahama Needs To Do
- Set up mechanisms to ensure that our laws are enforced
- Land use
- See to effective land use and designate areas in the city as woodland.
- Water ways should be cleared.
- Land owners must not be the ones who will decide what their lands will be used for. They must pay tax for land sold.
- Set up a body to look at our laws. Many are conflicting
- Use competence as a yardstick for selecting officials
- The president should consider proposing a single entity for determining emoluments and salaries of public servants and article 71 office holders while looking at public purse
- Consider the setting up of an upper house made up of ex-presidents, reps from the National Houses chiefs, planners, women’s groups, members of the institution of engineers, the Ghana medical Association, scientists, reps from AGI, TUC, the University, the Ghana Bar Association, etc.
- Creating jobs out of Accra to ensure reverse migration
- Immediately stop giving livelihood empowerment allowances to people who choose to live in the cities and increase it for those out of the city.
- Consider recommending electoral reform to review the laws governing election to avoid confusion.
- Consider reforming the public transport sector by allowing the GPRTU and other private organisations to run in tune with the Metro Mass Transit. Private individuals could pool resources and buy buses to run under a regulated system according to an agreed schedule.
- Seriously consider recommending to other African leaders to consider contributing their national TV stations to the creation of a giant African media house that will serve as the African mouthpiece to propagate the real and more favourable Africa to the outside world while enhancing African people
- Consider setting up a Maintenance Czar with a secretariat, whose duty it will be to constantly identify national facilities that are falling behind in their maintenance schedule and charge the institutions who are failing to meet this standard.
- Consider setting up an apolitical national think tank including especially scientists and engineers that will be in the background to plan for the nation.
- Consider proposing akin to what is done in our traditional set up, the confinement and training of elected officials so that it is not assumed any elected official can run a nation.
- Consider proposing military training in our schools to ensure discipline
- Consider given the NMC and the GJA teeth to bite
(I
am sure the president himself has more suggestions)
I
am primarily a writer and thinker who unfortunately went to the university to
train as an engineer. Many have complained about my having been away from the
pen for so long. This piece is a collection of my thoughts for so long. And it
has come in ‘so long a letter’ I hope I can find time to write again. But if I
can’t this is one big food for thought for us all. Folk, thank you and may the
good lord bless us all. I am out.
Daniel
Asseh Allan
0264329845/0209380794
No comments:
Post a Comment